Categories
Domestic Violence

MEN TOO Documentary Exposes Inconvenient Truths About Domestic Violence

MEN TOO Documentary Exposes Inconvenient Truths About Domestic Violence

By Sean Bw Parker

November 24, 2023

Odette Van Rensburg is a South African documentary filmmaker, whose last two pieces have been Disconnected  (about suicide) and The Bonfire of Agreed Terms (false allegations) released by Dogs On The Run films. In MENTOO – Domestic Violence Against Men, Rensburg turns her laser focus to this most egregiously under-reported of subjects.

Odette often prefers her work to speak for itself, and in the words of its own subjects. MEN TOO opens with Erin Pizzey, founder of the Women’s Refuge movement in the UK. Pizzey was discredited and disowned by the wider political-feminism movement when she dared suggest that as many men were coming for her help as women. Pizzey speaks in a non-partisan and direct way throughout, pointing out uncomfortable realities relating to how sexual politics has unfolded over time.

She is echoed by Phil Mitchell, an academic researcher and public communicator on the theme of violence against men; and from across the pond by John Davis, the man behind the Gender Studies for Men group. There is a golden thread of pain through MEN TOO, and that is the blithe deafness of the mainstream media to the plight of abused men. The stats are 50/50, weighted to women often being the main instigators when psychological abuse and coercive control are taken into account.

But this statistical reality is inconvenient for heavily-funded VAWG (Violence Against Women and Girls) charity programmes around the world, be they Women’s Aid, Rape Crisis or UN Women. ‘Positive Conclusions’ gives his heartbreaking testimony in disguise; Australian wokeist’s nightmare Bettina Arndt clearly hasn’t read the Sisterhood memo, and is having none of it.

The golden thread running through Rensburg’s own work is ‘stigma’, whether that be of suicide (often in the family) or living through the injustice of false allegations. These false allegations are the low-hanging fruit of VAWG, and believe the victims policies across the world (notably chronic in India, Spain, Argentina and Australia of late) have weaponised them to the hilt. Though VAWG policies are now firmly embedded in the mainstream, their shills on television and social media are acting as if they’re still in the first wave of feminism, flinging themselves in front of racehorses no matter how many Equality Acts are passed.

The reality is that reality itself is seen as obstreperous to the cause, as unnecessary as the men themselves in this deliberately concocted mirror-world. Released on International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Men, MEN TOO is a tight, snappily edited and compelling piece of visual education – and seeing Erin Pizzey keeping it brutally real after all these years is genuinely empowering.

Sean Bw Parker is a an artist and writer on cultural theory and justice reform.

Categories
Domestic Violence

Britney Spears & Sam Ashgari: Never Waste a Crisis when There’s an Autobiography to Sell

Britney Spears & Sam Ashgari:

Never Waste a Crisis when There’s an Autobiography to Sell

Sean Bw Parker

November 15, 2023

Spare a thought for a Princess of Pop. It can’t be easy being an object of desire for a quarter of a century, selling over 60 million records and having a similar number of followers on X/Instagram. She gets through the husbands too, like a true 20th century diva – three at last count, not bad for a sprightly 41. And sprightly Ms Spears remains, doing regular dark-eyed dances for the goggling hordes, with or without (apparently fake) knives, semi-naked to the background of what looks like a Mulholland Drive mansion.

Still, this summer Brit defenestrated husband number three; unfortunate Iranian fitness instructor Sam Ashgari, only a few months into wedded bliss but after having already been ‘together’ for six years. Publicity for this new development Spears deigns not to want: ‘As everyone knows, Hesam and I are no longer together … six years is a long time to be with someone so, I’m a little shocked but … I’m not here to explain why because it’s honestly nobody’s business. But, I couldn’t take the pain any more, honestly … In some sort of telepathic way, I have been receiving so many messages that melt my heart from friends and I thank you’.

Happily however this new adieu comes hot on the heels of her autobiography ‘The Woman In Me’ becoming the fastest selling auto by a celeb ever: ‘My book is the highest selling celebrity memoir in history and it’s only day 1 !!! Thank you to the fans who have been so supportive !!! Love you all’. Don’t you just love those triple exclamation marks??? And fancy giving Prince Harry’s ‘Spare’ such a spanking at Nielsen! PR team heads will surely roll.

This being ‘post-#MeToo’ – not to mention post-Depp/Heard – no Hollywood breakup is complete without its own abuse miscellanea; the twist in the tail being that celeb muckraker TMZ claims Ashgari is the victim this time: ‘During one fateful encounter earlier in 2023, Asghari claimed Spears flew into a fit of rage while he was asleep, subjecting him to a barrage of punches. This incident reportedly coincides with a widely circulated photograph of Asghari sporting a black eye and bite marks on his forearm, which he initially attempted to downplay when questioned by the press‘.

Just to make sure the public didn’t suspect predictable overreaction to yet another abuse narrative, the marginally more respectable Entertainment Today chimed in with the ominous Recently, things took a bad turn and their arguments became more serious and real’. The sheer, relentless superfluity of the media ensured that the news was instant, international, and re-postable – whatever its veracity.

Cue British family court barrister and radical feminist Charlotte Proudman, rocking up to save the day in customary fashion: ‘In case you were wondering what the world thinks of a woman’s trauma after being controlled, abused and harassed then look no further. I stand with Britney Spears’. Of course she does, despite both Spears and Ashgari remaining silent on the subject. What the world does now know, thanks to some superlative and necessary counter-discourse from trusted reality-sources (John Barry, Janice Fiamengo, Bettina Arndt et al) is that domestic violence is 50/50, rather than the VAWG-compelled ‘full responsibility on men, all the time’ narrative.

Whether TMZ, Entertainment Today, Ashgari or Spears – or more importantly, their lawyers – care about such realities remains to be seen. Best of luck to the ever-entertaining Britney Spears – and even more to husband 4.

Categories
Department of Education Free Speech Gender Agenda Office for Civil Rights Press Release Title IX

Arrogant and Corrupt: Presidential Candidates and Others Call for Abolition of U.S. Department of Education

PRESS RELEASE

Rebecca Hain: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Arrogant and Corrupt: Presidential Candidates and Others Call for Abolition of U.S. Department of Education

WASHINGTON / November 13, 2023 – Based on revelations of wasteful and ideologically driven policies (1), three Republican presidential candidates are now calling for the abolition of the U.S. Department of Education:

  1. Ron DeSantis: In response to the question, Are you in favor of eliminating any agencies: “We would do education, commerce, energy, and the IRS….With the Department of Education, we reverse all the transgender sports stuff. Women’s sports should be protected.” (2)
  2. Vivek Ramaswamy: “I would shut down the U.S. Department of Education…Do I favor 6-year-olds being educated on sexuality and gender ideology? No, I don’t.” (3)
  3. Donald Trump: “We’re going to end education coming out of Washington, DC. We’re going to close it up – all those buildings all over the place and people that in many cases hate our children. We’re going to send it all back to the states.” (4)

Earlier this year, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky introduced H.R. 899 that states simply, “The Department of Education shall terminate on December 31, 2023.” (5)

In addition, 55 state lawmakers are now calling to abolish the Department of Education (6).

In September, 59 organizations signed a letter calling for the resignation of Office for Civil Rights director Catherine Lhamon for repeated violations of the U.S. Constitution: Article 1 regarding the legislative powers of Congress, the First Amendment, and the Fourteenth Amendment (7).

During the past month alone, SAVE has identified two instances of serious misconduct by DOE officials:

  1. In 2021 the Department of Education issued a Title IX regulation that disregarded the Administrative Procedure Act requirements for public review and comment (8).
  2. An attorney representing the Department of Education repeatedly made false statements to federal judges in a hearing about its 2021 Title IX regulation (9).

The Department of Education Office for Civil Rights also is seeking to overturn a milestone Supreme Court decision, Davis v. Monroe, which defined “sexual harassment” as actions that are pervasive, severe, and objectively offensive (10). Now, the DOE is attempting to expand the definition of sexual harassment as to dramatically infringe upon free speech rights.

The Heritage Foundation has developed a plan to implement the agency’s abolition. The plan calls for block grants to the states, transfer of selected functions to other federal departments, and a discontinuation of the remaining functions (11).

Citations:

  1. https://www.saveservices.org/2022-policy/network/
  2. https://twitter.com/Acyn/status/1674143045661360130
  3. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w3BnxoAqOho
  4. https://www.cnn.com/2023/09/13/politics/trump-department-of-education-states-2024/index.html
  5. https://massie.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=395519
  6. https://www.saveservices.org/2022-policy/abolish-doe/
  7. https://www.saveservices.org/2023/09/59-groups-call-for-assistant-education-secretary-catherine-lhamon-to-resign-for-violating-oath-of-office/
  8. https://www.saveservices.org/2023/10/department-of-education-made-a-mockery-of-apa-law-to-fast-track-lethal-transgender-policy/
  9. https://www.saveservices.org/2023/11/department-of-education-attorney-lied-repeatedly-to-federal-judges-about-title-ix-rule/
  10. https://www.thefire.org/research-learn/sexual-harassment-college-campuses#:~:text=On%20our%20nation’s%20college%20campuses,programs%20that%20receive%20federal%20funding.
  11. https://www.saveservices.org/2023/07/plan-to-abolish-or-overhaul-the-u-s-department-of-education/

Posted: https://www.saveservices.org/2023/11/arrogant-and-corrupt-presidential-candidates-and-others-call-for-abolition-of-u-s-department-of-education/

Categories
Uncategorized

Mike Johnson, the new Speaker of the House, and Title IX

Mike Johnson, the new Speaker of the House, and Title IX

Elected by the House of Representatives on October 25, 2023,

by a party-line vote of 220 Republicans to 209 Democrats [1]

By Betsy Armstrong,[2] November 8, 2023

Speaker Johnson takes over at a contentious time in American politics, especially for the Republican party, but not a whole lot is known about him by the general public. However, reviewing his legislative bills gives us a good idea of his outlook regarding our six Title IX Network areas of concern, which are gender transitioning, parental rights, women’s sports, due process, domestic violence, and free speech.[3] He has been very consistent in his voting record for conservative causes. That is due to his strong personal and publicly professed Christian faith and decades-long conservative public stand on social issues.

Speaker Johnson is “a Christian, a husband, a father, a life-long conservative, constitutional law attorney and a small business owner in that order.”[4]. He is best known for his defense of former President Donald Trump’s challenging the results of the 2020 election.[5] In his acceptance speech he listed a number of his priorities, including border security, cutting federal spending and establishing a bipartisan debt commission “immediately.” Right now, he is absorbed in avoiding a possible November 17 government shutdown and securing funding for Israel in its battle with Hamas. So, there isn’t much time at present for him to be involved in our Title IX issues, but I feel confident we have an ally in the Title IX fight.

Here is a little more background information about him: Mike Johnson, 51, first served in the Louisiana State Legislature in 2015 and was then elected to represent the 4th Congressional District of Louisiana in 2016. Prior to his political career, he was an attorney in private practice, and also worked as senior counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) where he advocated for anti-sodomy laws and criminalizing homosexuality. His staunchly conservative views are verified by his chairmanship of the Republican Study Committee, the largest caucus of conservatives in Congress, from 2019 to 2021; he was vice chair of the House Republican Conference from 2021 to 2023; he was also a deputy whip for House Republicans, and a member of the Judiciary and Armed Services Committees. He has worked closely with the Christian groups Answers in Genesis, Louisiana Family Forum, and Focus on the Family.

In 2004, he defended Amendment 1 to the Louisiana Constitution, which defined marriage as between one man and one woman, against legal challenges. From 2004 to 2012 he served on the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention. In September 2016, he summarized his legal career as “defending religious freedom, the sanctity of human life, and biblical values, including the defense of traditional marriage, and other ideals like these when they’ve been under assault”.[6]

The Equality Act (H.R.5) was introduced in Congress in March 2019. It sought to update the Civil Rights Act of 1964 which outlawed race discrimination, to add sexual orientation and gender identity.[7] In May 2019, Johnson proposed an amendment to the bill to neutralize “poison pills” that it contained which threatened to undermine parental and conscience rights. He told National Review,

. . . the so-called ‘Equality’ Act would actually eliminate sex-based protections for women by forcing rape crisis centers, lady’s locker rooms, female prisons, women’s sports leagues and other sex-based organizations to admit biological males. Additionally, this bill would eviscerate constitutionally protected rights by empowering the federal government to force employers, medical professionals, parents, business owners and all Americans to act in violation of their conscience. The federal government should not be able to dictate a belief system.[8]

The legislation passed the House in 2019 but not the Senate. It was previously introduced in 2015 and 2017, then again in 2021.[9] The Equality Act was introduced as S. 5 on June 21, 2023, as a bill to prohibit discrimination on the basis of sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation, and for other purposes, but is considered to have less than a 1% chance of being enacted.[10]

In March 2023, Johnson co-sponsored, along with many Republican colleagues, H.R. 734, the ‘‘Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act of 2023.’’ This seeks to prohibit transgender women and girls from participating in female athletic programs by recognizing sex which is “based solely on a person’s reproductive biology and genetics at birth.” This is the first standalone bill to restrict the rights of transgender people considered in the House.[11]

On July 27, 2023, House Republicans on a panel for limited federal government argued that parents should not be allowed to let their transgender children have access to gender-affirming care.

At a hearing on transgender youth, Johnson, the chair of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government, said that “A parent has no right to sexually transition a young child … Our American legal system recognizes the important public interest in protecting children from abuse and physical harm. No parent has a constitutional right to injure their children.”

Johnson, and several other Republicans, floated the idea that the federal government should get involved, but did not offer specifics on potential legislation. They argued that gender-affirming surgery should not be allowed for transgender minors.[12]

Johnson’s advocacy for The Protection of Women and Girls Sports Act and limitations on transgender affirmative care for minors demonstrate his views on human dignity, as set out on his Congressional website, show him to be a man we can count on to help lead the way against the US Dept. of Education’s Title IX revisions.

Additional 2023 sponsored legislation corresponding to the six areas of interest for the Title IX Network [13] include;

·         H.R. 5Parents Bill of Rights Act, March 2023, to ensure the rights of parents are honored and protected in the Nation’s public schools (Crossed over 3/27/23 and received in the Senate, read twice and referred to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions on 03/27/2023) [14];

·         H.R. 1399Protect Children’s Innocence Act, March 2023, to amend chapter 110 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit gender-affirming care on minors, and for other purposes (Referred to the Subcommittee on Health on 03/17/2023)[15];

·         H.R. 4776Protecting Free Speech Act, July 2023, to terminate the Disinformation Governance Board of the Department of Homeland Security and to prohibit the use of Federal funds to establish any other similar Board, and for other purposes (Referred to the Subcommittee on Oversight, Investigations, and Accountability on 07/20/2023)[16];

·         H.R. 4791Free Speech Protection Act, July 2023, to prohibit Federal employees and contractors from directing online platforms to censor any speech that is protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other purposes (Referred to the Subcommittee on Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Protection on 07/20/2023) [17] and

·         H.R. 5636, September 2023, a second Protect Children’s Innocence Act, September 2023, to amend chapter 110 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit gender affirming care on minors (Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary on 09/21/2023). [18]

I feel confident we can count on our new Speaker to support the goals of our Network.


[2] betsy.armstrong@gmail.com, aka, Elizabeth J. Oyster, Esq., also affiliated with Child Protection League of Minnesota


++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
 
Addendum

Title IX Legislation Co-sponsored by House Speaker Mike Johnson in 2023

By Betsy Armstrong,[1] November 8, 2023

Title IX Network areas of concern: gender transitioning, parental rights, women’s sports, due process, domestic violence, and free speech.[2]

• H.R. 734Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act of 2023,[3] March 2023, to prohibit transgender women and girls from participating in female athletic programs by recognizing sex “based solely on a person’s reproductive biology and genetics at birth.” This is the first standalone bill to restrict the claimed rights of transgender people introduced in the House.[4]

• H.R. 5Parents Bill of Rights Act,[5]­ March 2023, to ensure the rights of parents are honored and protected in the Nation’s public schools.

• H.R. 1399Protect Children’s Innocence Act,[6] March 2023, to amend chapter 110 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit gender-affirming care on minors, and for other purposes.

• H.R. 4776Protecting Free Speech Act,[7] July 2023, to terminate the Disinformation Governance Board of the Department of Homeland Security and to prohibit the use of Federal funds to establish any other similar Board, and for other purposes.

• H.R. 4791Free Speech Protection Act,[8] July 2023, to prohibit Federal employees and contractors from directing online platforms to censor any speech that is protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other purposes.

• H.R. 5636Protect Children’s Innocence Act,[9] September 2023, to amend chapter 110 of title 18, United States Code, to prohibit gender affirming care on minors.

Note: The Equality Act (H.R.5) was introduced in Congress in March, 2019. It sought to update the Civil Rights Act of 1964 which outlawed race discrimination, to add sexual orientation and gender identity as protected characteristics.[10] In May 2019, Johnson proposed an amendment to neutralize “poison pills” that it contained which threatened to undermine parental and conscience rights. He told National Review,

. . . the so-called ‘Equality’ Act would actually eliminate sex-based protections for women by forcing rape crisis centers, lady’s locker rooms, female prisons, women’s sports leagues and other sex-based organizations to admit biological males. Additionally, this bill would eviscerate constitutionally protected rights by empowering the federal government to force employers, medical professionals, parents, business owners and all Americans to act in violation of their conscience. The federal government should not be able to dictate a belief system.[11]

The legislation passed the House in 2019 but not the Senate. It had been previously introduced in the House in 2015 and 2017 and was reintroduced in 2021.[12] It was introduced in the Senate as S.5 on June 21, 2023, but is considered to have less than a 1% chance of being enacted.[13]

On July 27, 2023, House Republicans on a panel for limited federal government argued that parents should not be allowed to let their transgender children have access to gender-affirming care. [14]

At a hearing on transgender youth, Johnson, chair of the House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government, said “A parent has no right to sexually transition a young child … Our American legal system recognizes the important public interest in protecting children from abuse and physical harm. No parent has a constitutional right to injure their children.”

Johnson, and several other Republicans, floated the idea that the federal government should get involved, but did not offer specifics on potential legislation. They argued that gender-affirming surgery should not be allowed for transgender minors.[15]

 

 



[1] betsy.armstrong@gmail.com, aka, Elizabeth J. Oyster, Esq., also affiliated with Child Protection League of Minnesota

[15] Id.

Categories
Department of Education Office for Civil Rights Title IX

Department of Education Attorney Lied, Repeatedly, to Federal Judges about Title IX Rule

PRESS RELEASE

Rebecca Hain: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Department of Education Attorney Lied, Repeatedly, to Federal Judges about Title IX Rule

WASHINGTON / November 8, 2023 – On June 22, 2021, without advance warning or notice, the OCR issued a new Title IX Rule that changed the definition of sex to include “gender identity.” (1). The regulation warned schools that OCR intended to “fully enforce Title IX to prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in education programs and activities.”

In response, the Attorneys General from 20 states — AL, AK, AZ, AR, GA, ID, IN, KS, KY, LA, MS, MO, MT, NE, OH, OK, SC, SD, TN, and WV — brought a lawsuit against the DOE, alleging the Title IX Rule was unlawful under the Administrative Procedure Act (2).  Nearly one year later, on July 15, 2022, the District Court of Tennessee issued a Temporary Injunction against the directive (3).

Not surprisingly, the U.S. Department of Education appealed the ruling to the Sixth Circuit Court. The Court heard oral arguments on April 26, 2023. A recording of the hearing reveals that David Peters, the trial attorney representing the Department of Education, 10 times made the claim that the Rule was not binding and did not impose any new requirements on schools (4).

The attorney’s mention of “these documents” refers to the contested 2021 Rule:

  1. 2:00 minutes: “They don’t address what constitutes prohibited sex discrimination”
  2. 3:08: The Department of Education is “not enforcing these documents.”
  3. 4:20: “These documents are not what’s being enforced.”
  4. 5:50: “These documents don’t address regulated entitles’ obligations.”
  5. 7:00: “The Department has vowed to enforce Title IX, not these documents”
  6. 9:15: “These documents would be entitled to no deference at all.”
  7. 9:45: “These documents do not impose any obligations on the states because they are not enforceable in any way.”
  8. 14:00: “They don’t create any legal rights or obligations and they wouldn’t be accorded any weight in any adjudication.”
  9. 14:55: “The duty is to comply with Title IX, not these documents.”
  10. 18:00: “These documents do not create legal obligations.”

Subsequent to the hearing, the Department of Education opened three enforcement actions that are based on the disputed 2021 Rule:

  • Forsyth County Schools, Georgia (5).
  • New College, Florida (6).
  • Taft College, California (7).

The fact that these enforcement actions were initiated based on the contested 2021 Rule, reveals the Department of Education attorney repeatedly misrepresented the truth to the panel of federal judges.

The federal Code of Ethics states, “An employee shall not engage in criminal, infamous, dishonest, immoral or disgraceful conduct, or other conduct prejudicial to the government” (8). Overt dishonesty by an attorney representing the federal government cannot be tolerated or condoned in the United States legal system.

Citations:

  1. https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2021/06/22/2021-13058/enforcement-of-title-ix-of-the-education-amendments-of-1972-with-respect-to-discrimination-based-on
  2. https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/AG-Complaint-8.21.2021.pdf
  3. https://adfmedialegalfiles.blob.core.windows.net/files/TennesseeOrderOpinionPI.pdf
  4. https://www.opn.ca6.uscourts.gov/internet/court_audio/audio/04-26-2023%20-%20Wednesday/22-5807%20State%20of%20Tennessee%20v%20Department%20of%20Education%20et%20al.mp3
  5. https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/investigations/more/04221281-a.pdf
  6. https://libertyunyielding.com/2023/09/11/biden-administration-investigates-conservative-education-official-who-opposes-dei-and-ze-zir-transgender-pronouns/
  7. https://content.govdelivery.com/accounts/USED/bulletins/376a57f
  8. https://www.justice.gov/jmd/ethics-handbook
Categories
Campus Department of Education Due Process Office for Civil Rights Title IX

Judicial Bias Rewarded?

Judicial Bias Rewarded?

Philip A. Byler

November 4, 2023

In this disturbing period of our country’s history, the last thing we need are judges who are promoted to a U.S. Court of Appeals judgeship for having greatly tilted the scales of justice in a case in favor of a big institutional litigant against an individual seeking to vindicate due process and federal non-discrimination rights. But that is precisely what appears to be happening with respect to Northern District of Indiana U.S. Magistrate Judge Joshua Kolar and Plaintiff John Doe (“John Doe”) in Doe v. Purdue.

Significance of Judge (now Justice) Barrett’s Opinion in Doe v. Purdue.

On June 28, 2019, the Seventh Circuit, in an opinion written by then Judge (now Justice) Amy Coney Barrett, upheld an action brought by John Doe claiming due process violations and Title IX discrimination by Purdue when it suspended John Doe for alleged sexual misconduct with an ex-girlfriend.  Doe v. Purdue, 928 F.3d 652 (7th Cir. 2019).  The national importance of the due process rulings of then Judge (now Justice) Barrett in Doe v. Purdue, 928 F.3d at 661-664, 667, cannot be understated, holding: (i) that John Doe had pleaded a stigma-plus liberty interest; (ii) that Purdue’s disciplinary process was woefully deficient and did not provide due process, citing among other things not giving John Doe the investigation report and not holding a real hearing (“Purdue’s process fell short of what even a high school must provide to a student facing a days-long suspension”); and (iii) that the District Court on remand was to consider the expungement of the disciplinary file (“we instruct the court to address the issue of expungement on remand”).

When then Education Secretary DeVos announced on May 6, 2020, what would be the current due process Title IX regulations, she pointed to three cases that were particularly instructive, one of which was the Seventh Circuit’s decision in Doe v. Purdue. “Secretary DeVos Announces New Title IX Regulation,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hTb3yfMNGuA; U.S. Department of Education Press Release, “Secretary DeVos Takes Historic Action to Strengthen Title IX Protections for All Students,” May 6, 2020; 34 C.F.R. 106.45.    Secretary DeVos noted that it was a three-woman panel with then Circuit Judge Amy Coney Barrett as the author of the opinion. “Secretary DeVos Announces New Title IX Regulation” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hTb3yfMNGuA.

When Judge Barrett was nominated for the U.S. Supreme Court, her Doe v. Purdue opinion was a subject of attention.  Defending Judge Barrett’s opinion in the Wall Street Journal was K.C. Johnson, “Sex, Due Process and Amy Coney Barrett,” Wall Street Journal, Oct. 1, 2020.  Purdue responded with its defiant defense, “Purdue Responds on Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s Title IX Opinion,” Wall Street Journal, Oct. 12, 2020.  Judge Barrett’s opinion has been a thorn in Purdue’s side, and Purdue has not wanted to live in accordance with it.

Magistrate Judge Kolar’s Biased Treatment of Doe v. Purdue On Remand and the Circumstances of John Doe’s Seventh Circuit Stay Motion.

So, here it is November 2023, 4½ years after Doe v. Purdue was issued, and where are we?  In that time, we have been before U.S. Magistrate Judge Joshua Kolar, who has been acting as the judge for all purposes and who in July 2023 was finally subjected to a motion to recuse for pervasive bias by John Doe because Magistrate Judge Kolar “has made common cause with Purdue counsel to frustrate John Doe’s effort to vindicate his due process and Title IX rights and to undermine and eviscerate [current U.S. Supreme Court] Justice Barrett’s opinion in this case” (Byler Decl., Dist. Ct. DE 257-1 p. 2).  Strong language, yes, but the truth.

The latest development is that John Doe has moved in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit to stay proceedings in the District Court, invoking the interests of judicial integrity and safeguarding the fairness of a trial in this case, given the extraordinary circumstances in the case. Magistrate Judge Kolar was subject to a motion to recuse for pervasive bias for Purdue made by John Doe on July 9, 2023, and is subject to a still pending appeal to the Seventh Circuit filed on September 7, 2023, of Magistrate Judge Kolar’s denial of recusal for bias.  Magistrate Judge Kolar, with four years’ experience as a Magistrate Judge and none as an Article III District Judge, was nominated on July 27, 2023, to be a judge on the Seventh Circuit by the Biden Administration.  When Magistrate Judge Kolar denied the recusal for bias motion on August 14, 2023, he did not disclose the fact that he was nominated to be a judge on the Seventh Circuit.  When Magistrate Judge Kolar appeared on September 6, 2023, before a Senate Committee, he did not disclose that he had been subject to a motion to recuse for pervasive bias favoring Purdue.

John Doe and his counsel first learned of Magistrate Judge Kolar’s nomination to be a judge on this Court when the Northern District of Indiana federal court announced in a press release on October 11, 2023, that there would  be an anticipated opening for a Magistrate Judge position given Magistrate Judge Kolar’s nomination to be a judge on this Court; and (vi) Magistrate Judge Kolar continues on insisting that he be the trial judge in this case and has scheduled a trial date.

John Doe’s Stay Motion to the Seventh Circuit        

The stay motion to the Seventh Circuit submitted three key documents concerning Magistrate Judge Kolar’s bias.

Exhibit A to the stay motion was the 33-page Declaration of John Doe’s lawyer [Dist.Ct. DE 257-1] that was submitted in support of the motion to recuse Magistrate Judge Kolar for pervasive bias favoring Purdue and that details the bias case against Magistrate Judge Kolar.  Importantly, the Byler Declaration states [DE 257-1, pp. 6-7]:

Plaintiff is not relying upon the mere fact of adverse rulings but upon the manifestations of “judicial predispositions that go beyond what is normal and acceptable,” and show a case of “pervasive bias.”  Liteky v. United States, 510 U.S. at 551. In particular, Magistrate Judge Kolar’s July 2, 2021, August 11, 2022 and February 14, 2023 opinions mishandled the law in a way an impartial judge would not do, misstate the factual record in a way an impartial judge would not do, and do so all to Purdue’s benefit, establishing Magistrate Judge Kolar won’t be impartial due to pervasive bias.

In the July 2, 2021 opinion, Magistrate Judge Kolar found spoliation over 11 Snapchat personal photographs and short videos that were made well after John Doe’s suspension at Purdue and that were inadvertently deleted when John Doe cleared memory on his cell phone.  Magistrate Judge Kolar acknowledged the Snapchat posts not to be prejudicial (“there is nothing in the record to indicate whether the files were in fact adverse to Plaintiff’s case” (DE168, p. 29)), but Magistrate Judge Kolar still speculated that “it was not inconceivable” the 11 Snapchat personal posts might be potentially relevant to John Doe’s desired Navy career — without giving an explanation how it was conceivable, much less actually relevant (DE168, p. 16), which a glance at the Snapchat listing showed it wasn’t. Magistrate Judge Kolar nevertheless lambasted John Doe for the deletion, ordered payment of Purdue’s attorney fees (which were claimed to be $30,000 and which would wrongly burden John Doe’s effort to vindicate his due process and Title IX rights), and outlined jury instructions regarding what were irrelevant documents [Dist Ct. DE168], even though adverse inference instructions require intentional destruction and relevance.  Crabtree v. Nat’l Steel Corp., 261 F.3d at 721; Keller v. United States, 58 F.3d 1194 (7th Cir.1995).  What’s worse, the spoliation order was made in the background of John Doe’s full compliance with Purdue’s scorched earth discovery.

In the August 11, 2022 opinion, the Magistrate Judge Kolar essentially reversed Judge (now Justice) Barrett’s opinion on due process.  Before the Seventh Circuit in 2019, Purdue had argued that Plaintiff John Doe had engaged in self-defamation by authorizing the release of the university disciplinary files to the Navy.  That argument then was premised on the NROTC only learning of John’s disciplinary case because of John’s authorization of disclosure to the Navy ROTC.  Judge Barrett stated in her opinion Purdue’s position: “The university maintains that it has not and will not divulge John’s disciplinary record without his permission.  The Navy knows about it only because John signed a form authorizing the disclosure after the investigation began.”  928 F.3d at 661.  Purdue cited Olivieri v. Rodriguez, 122 F.3d 406 (7th Cir.1997), where a voluntary disclosure was the reason for an employment discharge in a situation that the Seventh Circuit considered speculative whether the disclosure would ever be called for.  Judge Barrett, however, rejected Purdue’s argument (928 F.3d at 652):  “John’s case is different. He does not claim simply that he might someday have to self-publish the guilty finding to future employers. Instead, John says that he had an obligation to authorize Purdue to disclose the proceedings to the Navy.”

In fact, the discovery record, which only made John Doe’s case stronger, made Purdue’s argument and Magistrate Judge Kolar’s ruling about self-defamation wholly untenable.  Indisputably: (i) the NROTC knew about the disciplinary proceeding well before the May 24, 2016 authorization because on April 4, 2016, Jane Doe first went to the NROTC to make her accusations; (ii) Purdue first learned of Jane Doe’s accusations from the NROTC; and (iii) according to the NROTC Commander, the NROTC was looking to the Purdue investigation from the start.  According to Plaintiff John Doe, the Navy wanted “in the loop” (DE183-5, tr 21-22) and he was in no position to refuse the authorization” (DE208-1 ¶ 7).  Magistrate Judge Kolar’s derision, as speculative, military realities framing John Doe’s obligation to disclose only underscores how Magistrate Judge Kolar was willing to kowtow to Purdue in essentially reversing Judge (now Justice) Barrett’s opinion.

Additionally, the August 14, 2022 opinion with respect to Magistrate Judge Kolar’s proof of falsity requirement to establish a stigma plus liberty interest, which the Seventh Circuit has never adopted, gave a purported review of triable issues that did not reflect the factual discovery record (which made John Doe’s case stronger) but that contributed significantly to the August 11 Opinion being a propaganda piece for Purdue.  Magistrate Judge Kolar, in a partisan slip, repeated what were the allegations of Jane Doe when in fact she never testified, which was in distinct contrast to John Doe who repeatedly testified.    Magistrate Judge Kolar referred to what were 133 pages of John Doe-Jane Doe texts in accordance with Purdue’s jaundiced misreading as admissions of guilt (which they weren’t) based on Purdue’s misleading excerpting without discussing John Doe’s testimony on the texts that he alone had provided.  There was also no good impartial reason for Magistrate Judge Kolar to ignore that: (i) John Doe was not provided an opportunity to review the investigation report during the disciplinary case, (ii) the investigation report included only short portions of 7 pages of the 133 pages of texts (the selected portions did not include texts showing an ongoing relationship after Jane Doe’s claims), and (iii) Vice President Rollock and Dean Sermersheim did not know that there were 133 pages of texts submitted by John Doe to the investigators.  Magistrate Judge Kolar further did not address the fact that the three-person panel of the Advisory Committee on Equity and Dean Sermersheim, never met and never heard any direct testimony from Jane Doe and did not have the opportunity to ask any questions of Jane Doe.

In the February 14, 2023 opinion, Magistrate Judge Kolar ignored the Navy Regulations for Officer Development (“ROD”) which clearly substantiated that John Doe could not properly refuse authorization of disclosing the Purdue disciplinary documents to the Navy.  The Navy ROD compelled giving authorization, would make John subject to sanction upon refusing authorization, and required disclosure upon re-application due to a permanent federal record (DE208-3) – which even the Magistrate Judge Kolar’s August 11 opinion indicated would make summary judgment inappropriate (DE206, pp. 16-17) but which Magistrate Judge Kolar avoided on reconsideration, so much lacking in impartiality Magistrate Judge Kolar had become.  Instead, Magistrate Judge Kolar essentially adopted Purdue’s dismissal of the Navy ROD as “a set of internal Navy rules, not law” and Purdue’s denial that the Navy ROD had the force of law to compel executing the authorization (DE221, p. 12).  That, however, leads to the absurd, erroneous result that a Navy ROTC midshipman who acts per the requests of his Navy superiors and the obligations reflected in the Navy ROD has no due process rights. Purdue’s position that whether Purdue’s disciplinary process complied with Fourteenth Amendment due process is “immaterial” (DE213, p. 12) and the Magistrate Judge Kolar ’s effective adoption of that position reflects how much at odds Purdue and Magistrate Judge Kolar are with Justice Barrett’s Doe v. Purdue opinion.

Exhibit B to the stay motion was Magistrate Judge Kolar’s opinion denying the recusal for bias motion without disclosing the fact that he was nominated to the Seventh Circuit Court.  [Dist. Ct. DE 261.] Magistrate Judge Kolar’s opinion avoided the actual reasons establishing the pervasive bias in this case presented and certified in the Byler Declaration [Dist. Ct. DE 257-1], and instead gave rationalizations and inapposite general propositions to justify his functioning as a biased trial judge in an important case.  Magistrate Judge Kolar’s failure to disclose avoided the nomination to the Seventh Circuit being identified as the extra-judicial source of bias favoring Purdue documented in the Byler Declaration.

Exhibit C to the stay motion was John Doe’s Notice of Appeal [Dist. Ct. DE 267] that from pages 1 to 5 invoked the Seventh Circuit case law establishing the jurisdiction of the Seventh Court for the appeal of what is often called a collateral order and from pages 7 to 38 dissected Magistrate Judge Kolar’s opinion denying the recusal for bias and demonstrates that Magistrate Judge Kolar yet again avoided the actual reasons establishing the pervasive bias in this case presented in the Byler Declaration and has no real answers to the bias case against him.

Chronology of Events

The chronology of pertinent events helps show Magistrate Judge Kolar’s bias in Doe v. Purdue and his nomination to the Seventh Circuit:

­July 9, 2023: John Doe moves to recuse Magistrate Judge Kolar for bias, submitting Declarations by John Doe and his lawyer. [Dist. Ct. DE 257, 257-1, 257-2.]

­July 19, 2023: Purdue submitted a short Response to the recusal for bias motion that did not take on the facts presented and analysis in the Byler Declaration.  [Dist. Ct. DE 258.]

­July 25, 2023: John Doe submitted a Reply in further support of the motion to recuse Magistrate Judge Kolar for bias, replying to the few arguments of Purdue.  [Dist. Ct, DE  260.]

­July 27, 2023: The White House Briefing Room announces in a White House Statement and Release, “President Biden Announces Thirty-Sixth Round of Judicial Nominees” (July 27, 2023), that Magistrate Judge Kolar is nominated to the Seventh Circuit.

­August 14, 2023: Magistrate Judge Kolar issues an opinion denying John Doe’s motion to recuse Magistrate Judge Kolar for bias.  In that opinion, Magistrate Judge Kolar does not disclose that he has been nominated to be a judge on the Seventh Circuit.  [Dist. Ct. DE 261] Magistrate Judge Kolar sets a trial date of November 28, 2023.  (Dist. Ct. DE 262.]

­September 6, 2023: Magistrate Judge Kolar appears before a Senate Judiciary Committee and does not disclose he had been subject to a motion to recuse for bias favoring Purdue in a case he had been overseeing for four years.  YouTube: Circuit Court Judge Nominees Face Senate Judiciary Committee – YouTube.

­September 7, 2023: John Doe files a Notice of Appeal of Magistrate Judge Kolar’s opinion denying John Doe’s motion to recuse Magistrate Judge Kolar for bias.  [Dist. Ct. DE 267.]

­September 11, 2023: John Doe’s appeal of Magistrate Judge Kolar’s denial of the motion to recuse for bias is assigned Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals Case Number 23-2764.

­September 13, 2023: Magistrate Judge Kolar issues an order requesting the parties to submit status reports whether the Court retains jurisdiction over the case in light of John Doe’s Notice of Appeal. [Dist. Ct. DE 270.] This Court issues an Order requesting John Doe to submit a “Jurisdictional Memorandum” by September 26, 2023.

­September 21, 2023: Purdue files a report in the District Court taking the positions that Magistrate Judge Kolar should await whether the Seventh Circuit accepts jurisdiction of Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals Case Number 23-2764   [Dist Ct. DE 271] and that Magistrate Judge Kolar should proceed with pretrial motions anyway based on inapposite interlocutory cases (not collateral order cases).

­September 26, 2023: John Doe files in the Seventh Circuit the requested “Jurisdictional Memorandum” showing this Court has jurisdiction of Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals Case Number 23-2764.  John Doe also files in the District Court the requested report showing that Magistrate Judge Kolar does not have jurisdiction of the case if the Seventh Circuit has jurisdiction of Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals Case Number 23-2764, but if the Seventh Circuit has jurisdiction, Magistrate Judge Kolar should not take any action as urged by Purdue, which would have Magistrate Judge Kolar proceed to decide pretrial issues critical to the fairness of a trial, particularly the motion in limime, while the Seventh Circuit is deciding whether Magistrate Judge Kolar has demonstrated bias and a lack of impartiality such that Magistrate Judge Kolar should be recused from deciding pretrial and overseeing the trial.  [Dist. Ct. DE 272.]

­October 11, 2023: John Doe and his counsel first learn of Magistrate Judge Kolar’s nomination to be a judge on the Seventh Circuit when the Northern District of Indiana federal court announced in a press release on October 11, 2023, that there would be an anticipated opening for a Magistrate Judge position given Magistrate Judge Kolar’s nomination to be a judge on the Seventh Circuit.

­ October 27, 2023: Magistrate Judge Kolar holds a status conference during which he announces that the trial set to begin November 28, 2023, is still on subject to whether the Seventh Circuit has jurisdiction of Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals Case Number 23-2764. [Dist. Ct. DE 277.]   During the teleconference, Magistrate Judge Kolar again failed to address his nomination to be a Judge to the Seventh Circuit, even though counsel for John Doe in a pre-teleconference email inquired what the subjects of the teleconference would be given Magistrate Juge Kolar’s highly relevant nomination.

Magistrate Judge Kolar’s Bias and Nomination to the Seventh Circuit

Magistrate Judge Kolar failed to disclose his own nomination to be a judge on the Seventh Circuit when denying John Doe’s motion to recuse for bias favoring Purdue.  Magistrate Judge Kolar’s nomination to be a judge to the Seventh Circuit, with four years’ experience as a Magistrate Judge and none as an Article III District Judge, has more than just the appearance of being the extra-judicial source of bias favoring Purdue; applying res ipsa loquitur, the nomination establishes the extra-judicial source of bias favoring Purdue.

Phil Byler was the lawyer for Plaintiff John Doe in Doe v. Purdue.  Mr. Byler is a 1976 graduate of the Harvard Law School, who then clerked for two years to the Hon. John W. Peck of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit before entering the private practice of law. Mr. Byler briefed and orally argued: Immuno A.G. v. Dr. Jan Moor-Jankowski, 77 N.Y.2d 235, 567 N.E.2d 1270, 566 N.Y.S.2d 906 (Kaye, J.), cert denied, 500 U.S. 954 (1991); Doe v. Columbia, 831 F.3d 46 (2d Cir. 2016) (Leval, J.); Doe v. Purdue, 928 F.3d 652 (7th Cir. 2019) (Barrett, J.); Doe v. MIT, 46 F.4th 61 (1st Cir. 2022) (Selya, J.); and Mesnard v. Campagnolo, 47 Ariz. Cases Dig. 21, 489 P.3d 1184 (2021).