Categories
Domestic Violence Violence Against Women Act

Ernst Editorial Ignores Most Important Fact in VAWA Debate

4.2 million male victims, 3.5 million female victims:

Ernst Editorial Ignores Most Important Fact in VAWA Debate

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 20, 2021

According to the Centers for Disease Control, each year there are 4.2 million male victims of domestic violence, and 3.5 million female victims.[1]

This recent incident illustrates the problem:[2]

On April 3, Elizabeth Grace Johnson attacked her boyfriend, Draven Upchurch, in a dormitory room at Southeastern Louisiana University. The woman stabbed Upchurch eight times in the lungs, stomach, and colon. Johnson was arrested and charged with aggravated battery.

The 4.2 million and 3.5 million numbers should be at the forefront of discussions about the upcoming reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act.

For example, it’s time that we ask, Has the years-long debate been overly focused on female victims, to the detriment of female abusers? And what about male victims of abuse, are they any less deserving of help?

Over the years, senators have emphasized that VAWA services are intended to help both men and women:

  • Joe Biden: “Nothing in the act denies services, programs, funding or assistance to male victims of violence.”[3]
  • Orrin Hatch: “Men who have suffered these types of violent attacks are eligible under current law to apply for services and benefits that are funded under the original Act—and they will remain eligible under the Violence Against Women Act.”[4]

But Sen. Joni Ernst’s recent editorial in USA Today moves the debate in the opposite direction. Titled, “Democrats’ Violence Against Women Act Pressures Women to Negotiate with Abusers,”[5] the article is factually flawed, and is defiant and angry in tone.

Inexplicably, the article whitewashes the existence of male victims. Worse, the article stereotypes men as abusers through its misleading use of pronouns: “Under the Democrats’ bill, the victim would be responsible for publicly stating to her community whether her abuser should face consequences or not.” The article uses inflammatory language about a male “wife-beater,” ignoring the reality of female “husband-beaters.”

Such statements have real-world consequences. The most recent Biennial Report to Congress documents large gender disparities in the provision of victim services, with males representing only a tiny fraction of recipients of VAWA-funded services.[6]

As the VAWA bills come up for consideration, the Coalition to End Domestic Violence urges senators to avoid sexist stereotypes, and to engage in debate that is thoughtful, factual, and acknowledges the needs of men and women alike.

[1]https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/2015data-brief508.pdf , Tables 9 and 11.

[2] https://nypost.com/2021/04/09/louisiana-college-student-allegedly-stabbed-her-date-in-dorm/

[3]http://www.mediaradar.org/docs/BidenOnGenderNeutralVAWA_HCN_06.02.05.pdf

[4] 146 Cong. Rec. S10,188, S10,193 (2000).

[5]https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/voices/2021/04/08/joni-ernst-violence-against-women-act-reauthorization-democrats-column/7124333002/

[6]https://www.justice.gov/ovw/page/file/1292636/download

Categories
False Allegations

Conviction for Threatening Sham Sex Suit Against Singer Upheld

Conviction for Threatening Sham Sex Suit Against Singer Upheld

April 13, 2021

Excerpts:

A man sentenced to 70 months’ imprisonment for threatening to file a frivolous sexual assault lawsuit against a well-known singer failed to overturn his conviction for attempted extortion but may be entitled to a reduced sentence, according to a Ninth Circuit opinion issued Tuesday.

Threats of sham litigation can qualify as wrongful conduct punishable as extortion under the Hobbs Act, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled. Courts weighing these cases should consider the circumstances surrounding such threats to determine whether the defendant used wrongful means or whether he made the threats in order to obtain property to which he knew he had no legal claim, the court said.

The decision by Judge Bridget S. Bade upholds the conviction of Benjamin Koziol for threatening to bring false sexual assault allegations against a “well-known singer-songwriter” left unnamed by the court. Koziol, whose wife was previously hired as a masseuse by the singer’s manager, threatened to bring falsified charges against the singer unless the singer paid him $1 million, the court said.

Bade said Koziol’s conviction for extortion under the Hobbs Act was valid. The prosecution’s evidence “strongly supports the conclusion that Koziol lied in his claims that the entertainer assaulted him and that he knew he had no lawful claim against the entertainer,” she said….

The case is United States v. Koziol , 9th Cir., No. 19-50018, 4/13/21 .

Source: https://news.bloomberglaw.com/us-law-week/conviction-for-threatening-sham-sex-suit-against-singer-upheld

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Tulane U: COVID-19 sidelines sexual misconduct procedures

Tulane U: COVID-19 sidelines sexual misconduct procedures

Lily Mae Lazarus and Sala Thanassi

It is no secret that Tulane Univerity has a systemic sexual violence problem. According to the 2017 Climate Survey, 77% of all student survey respondents report being victims of sexual assault and 71.4% report being subjected to unwanted sexual contact. 75.6% of these perpetrators were Tulane students and 51.8% of the reported instances occurred on campus. This year is no different as “The pandemic did not end sexual violence—or sexual harassment or sexual discrimination—on this campus,” Meredith Smith, Tulane University sexual misconduct response/Title IX coordinator, said. According to the breakdown of student disclosures in the fall of 2020, disclosure rates of sexual misconduct exceeded those from fall 2019 until students were sent home due to COVID-19. These numbers paint a harrowing picture of the failure of Tulane’s conduct system and the inescapable reality of sexual misconduct for students, unchanged since the Climate Survey’s publication and, if anything, overshadowed by COVID-19.

To best understand the priority imbalance between COVID-19 conduct violations and those related to Title IX, an overview of the external legal factors is required. In May of 2020, Title IX statutes around the U.S. changed dramatically. The new regulations redefined what constitutes sexual harassment as “unwelcome conduct on the basis of sex that is so severe, pervasive, and objectively offensive that it effectively denies a person equal access to the recipient’s education program or activity.” Further, the new Title IX issues important changes to the trial process: an individual accused of sexual misconduct has the right to cross-exam their accuser, and universities have the option to use a more difficult standard of proof by requiring “clear and convincing” evidence.

The majority of sexual misconduct reports at Tulane are outside of these newly defined parameters, but the university pledged to treat all sexual misconduct that was previously a violation of Title IX as eligible for an administrative procedure. Tulane also does not opt to use a stricter standard of proof in formal administrative hearings. Instead, to be found in violation of the Tulane University Code of Student Conduct, there must be a preponderance of evidence, or, in layman’s terms, that it is more likely than not a violation occurred.

Regardless of changing statutes, the sexual misconduct epidemic at Tulane has not disappeared and was rather pushed into the shadows and out of the mind of the administration. Since Tulanians’ return to campus this fall, the university has promptly investigated and prosecuted violators of the university’s COVID-19 guidelines. From expulsions, suspensions, fines and administrative threats, Tulane spares no expense regarding the consequences of public health rule flouting.

When it comes to COVID-19 related offenses, a picture of maskless students standing in a group, sent to the conduct office anonymously without context, is taken at face value and serves as sufficient grounds for swift administrative action. In instances of Title IX violations, all parties are subject to an inefficient and traumatizing investigation and trial that, if anything, dissuades future victims from coming forward and allows perpetrators to remain unscathed. The discrepancy in investigation times illustrate a startling reality in which formal conduct investigations, despite being labeled as equally pressing, are not treated with equal importance.

The lack of administrative ferocity surrounding instances of sexual misconduct prior to COVID-19 demonstrates a pattern. According to the Climate Survey, 84% of both male and female respondents claimed Tulane did or would actively support them with formal or informal resources if they reported sexual misconduct. Despite this figure, in 2017, there were only 205 reported cases at Tulane of sexual misconduct and, of that group, only 16 had disciplinary proceedings, and only 8 resulted in disciplinary action. This trend still exists, and few reports of sexual misconduct proceed to formal conduct hearings. Although the Office of University Sexual Misconduct Response and Title IX Administration supports victims to the best of their abilities, the formal conduct system fails them at their weakest hour. This is unacceptable.

This conundrum is not unique to Tulane. In September 2020, New York University’s newspaper published an article regarding the deprioritization of Title IX during COVID-19. Similar to circumstances at Tulane, NYU suspended multiple students for violating COVID-19 guidelines and sent numerous reminders to students surrounding the administration’s willingness to act immediately and aggressively against those flouting the rules. Yet, according to NYU student Nicole Chiarella, NYU’s administration addresses Title IX with a startling nonchalance amidst a pandemic. “NYU’s continual passivity showcases how without a financial incentive — such as the one provided by reopening campus amid a pandemic — sexual assault will remain as a mere administrative afterthought, subsequently harming survivors … Its persistent disregard for survivors of sexual assault fosters a toxic campus environment that safeguards the accused and ostracizes the very students NYU claims to protect,” Chiarella said.

At Tulane, students’ email inboxes are constantly filled with reminders from the Office of the Vice President of Student Affairs to be respectful citizens and practice proper COVID-19 protocols, yet the administration remains silent on issues of rape, harassment and nonconsensual sexual behavior. How can a university aggressively combat systemic sexual misconduct when victims and non-victims alike lack procedural transparency, a constant influx of information and a feeling of safety when disclosing their experiences? The simple answer is they cannot.

The American Civil Liberties Union estimates that 95% of campus rapes in the U.S. go unreported. One of the primary reasons students do not come forward is a fear that their institution will not believe them. Although, in theory, Tulane mitigates this difficulty by not adopting scrutinous standards of proof, submitting sexual violence victims to lengthy investigation processes, not applied with the same intensity to COVID-19 related offenses, places an undue burden on procedures claiming to be of equal conditions.

The Code of Student Conduct, in addressing Title IX procedures, promises the university will “promptly and equitably respond to all reports of discrimination and harassment in order to eliminate prohibited conduct, prevent its recurrence, and address its effects on an individual or the community.” Similarly, the Office of Student Conduct, tasked with investigating Title IX and all other conduct violations, claims that the university attempts to conclude their investigations within 60 days of an issuance of the notice of investigation, barring special circumstances. With Tulane hyperfocused on tracking down those guilty of crimes against the COVID-19 guidelines, perpetrators of sexual violence have the luxury of time and administrative apathy, as the conduct system pushes all non-pandemic related issues to the side.

Delays in Title IX cases during the COVID-19 pandemic have numerous adverse effects on survivors. Accused perpetrators are able to use a public health crisis to further restrict victims’ rights access to an education or in some cases to see justice served. Prior to the May 2020 Title IX changes, Title IX complaints were required to be handled in a timely manner. Although Tulane promises this, including provisions for special circumstances allows the conduct system to revise the timeline of Title IX cases at their own discretion.

It is illogical to assume the administration was unaware of the possible COVID-19 delays in sexual misconduct procedures. Tulane had ample time to create an action plan, but the administration chose not to prioritize this pervasive issue. Various organizations published information directed at academic institutions upon the onset of the pandemic, including that “for students who are survivors of sexual assault, navigating resources and reporting may be more challenging due to COVID-19,” The Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, the nation’s largest anti-sexual violence organization, said. Equal Rights Advocates, in an article counseling schools on how to navigate Title IX hearings during the pandemic, urged universities to move forward with investigations and hearing without unreasonable delays because students have a fundamental right to “a prompt and equitable resolution of sexual misconduct claims.” Further, the article explains that delays in these procedures force survivors to remain traumatized and uncertain, preventing them from finding closure and potentially leading to institutional betrayal.

Rates of sexual misconduct at Tulane are substantially higher than the national average and the pervasiveness of Title IX violations on campus severely diminish students’ feeling of safety and community. That being said, if the Office of Student Conduct promises to “foster a safe and healthy community in which academic success can occur” how can they push Title IX issues to the side which effectively deny victims a right to their education? The administration has shown it can act swiftly to punish violators of COVID-19 guidelines, build temporary outdoor classrooms, and enforce mask and testing mandates. Yet, this enthusiasm disappears when it comes down to tackling the pre-existing and well-documented sexual misconduct problem on campus.

To address the administrative difficulties of addressing sexual misconduct, “Let’s start with admitting that the system is hard, even if it works perfectly, and so to dedicate ourselves to unpack each step and possibility in the investigation and adjudication and put as much care and support as we can into a system that is processing so much pain,” Smith said. Tulane cannot continue to treat cases of sexual misconduct with apprehensiveness and lanquidity; it must address these procedures with the same intensity and order as it does with violations of COVID-19 guidelines.

Source: https://tulanehullabaloo.com/56435/views/opinion-covid-19-sidelines-sexual-misconduct-procedures/

Categories
Domestic Violence Violence Against Women Act

Do We Really Want to Turn Every American into a ‘Victim’ of Domestic Violence?

Do We Really Want to Turn Every American into a ‘Victim’ of Domestic Violence?

‘When everything is domestic violence, nothing is.’

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 14, 2021

The House bill to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act, HR 1620, features a sweeping expansion in the definition of domestic violence:

“(8) DOMESTIC VIOLENCE. – The term ‘domestic violence means a pattern of behavior involving the use or attempted use of physical, sexual, verbal, psychological, economic, or technological abuse, or any other coercive behavior committed, enabled, or solicited to gain or maintain power and control over a victim.”

So ask yourself, Has your partner ever:

  1. Given you the “silent treatment”? (Psychological abuse)
  2. Called you a name like “stupid”? (Verbal abuse)
  3. Chided you for over-spending the checking account? (Economic abuse)
  4. Told you to do certain chores around the house, often referred to as a “honey-do” list? (Other coercive behavior)

This expansive definition would turn almost every American into a victim of “domestic violence.” And would define almost every American as a perpetrator of domestic violence, as well.

As University of Maryland law professor Leigh Goodmark warns, “I think actually the prosecutions of women would skyrocket.”

The Coalition to End Domestic Violence warns against the use of such a definition, which would dramatically dilute the services to victims of true violence, worsen the problem of false allegations, and create a basis for nearly endless demands for government services for such “victims.”

The Congressional Research Service has raised doubts about going in this direction, as well. These comments – see below — were focused on HR 1585, which was introduced in the previous session of Congress, and which proposed the same broad definition of domestic violence.

++++++++++++++++++++

DEFINING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Congressional Research Service

Lisa N. Sacco, Analyst in Illicit Drugs and Crime Policy

In 2018, the Office on Violence Against Women (OVW) changed the expansive domestic violence (DV) definition that appeared on its website to the more narrow statutory definition used for grant programs. There is some confusion as to the meaning and implication of OVW’s change. In the 116th Congress, legislation has been introduced that would amend the definition used in the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) grant programs—the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2019 (H.R. 1585), if enacted, would amend and expand the definition of DV.

Federal Definitions of DV

The federal government defines DV in different ways and for different purposes. Under criminal statute, 18 U.S.C. §2261 defines a DV offender that falls under federal jurisdiction as:

[a] person who travels in interstate or foreign commerce or enters or leaves Indian country or is present within the special maritime and territorial jurisdiction of the United States with the intent to kill, injure, harass, or intimidate a spouse, intimate partner, or dating partner, and who, in the course of or as a result of such travel or presence, commits or attempts to commit a crime of violence against that spouse, intimate partner, or dating partner.

For VAWA grant purposes, VAWA states:

The term “domestic violence” includes felony or misdemeanor crimes of violence committed by a current or former spouse or intimate partner of the victim, by a person with whom the victim shares a child in common, by a person who is cohabitating with or has cohabitated with the victim as a spouse or intimate partner, by a person similarly situated to a spouse of the victim under the domestic or family violence laws of the jurisdiction receiving grant monies, or by any other person against an adult or youth victim who is protected from that person’s acts under the domestic or family violence laws of the jurisdiction.

OVW administers VAWA grants, and the DV definition on OVW’s website matches the definition Congress established for grants. OVW previously (April 2018 and earlier) posted a more expansive definition that described DV as a “pattern of behavior” and included both economic and emotional abuse. Of note, changes to the OVW website definition have no impact on VAWA grantees. In the 116th Congress, H.R. 1585, if enacted, would amend the statutory definition used for grant programs to resemble the more expansive definition previously published by OVW. This change would impact future VAWA grantees.

Expanded Definition for VAWA Grant Programs under H.R. 1585

H.R. 1585 would define DV as:

a pattern of behavior involving the use or attempted use of physical, sexual, verbal, emotional, economic, or technological abuse or any other coercive behavior committed, enabled, or solicited to gain or maintain power and control over a victim, by a person who—

(A) is a current or former spouse or dating partner of the victim, or other person similarly situated to a spouse of the victim under the family or domestic violence laws of the jurisdiction;

(B) is cohabitating with or has cohabitated with the victim as a spouse or dating partner, or other person similarly situated to a spouse of the victim under the family or domestic violence laws of the jurisdiction;

(C) shares a child in common with the victim;

(D) is an adult family member of, or paid or nonpaid caregiver for, a victim aged 50 or older or an adult victim with disabilities; or

(E) commits acts against a youth or adult victim who is protected from those acts under the family or domestic violence laws of the jurisdiction.

The bill would describe DV as a pattern of abusive behavior, and extend the current definition beyond crimes of violence to include verbal, emotional, economic, and technological abuse (the bill also defines the latter two forms of abuse).

Potential Implications of an Expanded Definition

A more expansive definition of DV would generally expand the number of individuals who are eligible for support from VAWA grantees. A broader definition captures harmful behavior (such as financial abuse) that is not physical in nature but is another form of abuse common in relationships involving domestic violence. Victim advocates support this more inclusive definition.

On the other hand, some argue that a violent act is qualitatively different from other forms of abuse such as economic abuse, and legal definitions should reflect that distinction. In United States v. Castleman, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a misdemeanor offense of having “intentionally or knowingly cause[d] bodily injury to” the mother of the respondent’s child qualified as “a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence.” The opinion of the Court (delivered by Justice Sotomayor) included extensive discussion of defining and distinguishing between acts of physical force. The Court ruled that it must attribute “the common-law meaning of ‘force’ to [18 U.S.C.] §921(a)(33)(A)’s definition of a ‘misdemeanor crime of domestic violence’ as an offense that ‘has, as an element, the use or attempted use of physical force.'” In a concurring opinion, Justice Scalia argued that “[w]hen everything is domestic violence, nothing is.” He further argued that if a DV definition were to include all harmful domestic acts, Congress would “have to come up with a new word … to denote actual domestic violence.”

Further, defining DV as “a pattern of behavior” seemingly excludes isolated DV incidents that do not involve a pattern of behavior. So while the goal may be to be more inclusive, the proposed definition could exclude isolated incidents of domestic violence that do not meet the “pattern of behavior” standard.

Congress may choose to expand the definition of DV for VAWA grants or maintain the current definition. Alternatively, it could separately define terms such as “economic abuse” and “technological abuse” and add them to the eligibility criteria for grant programs. The addition of these terms to grant programs’ purpose areas would achieve some advocates’ desired goal of expanding VAWA support for more victims, not solely those of violent physical acts.

Source: https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IN/IN11085#:~:text=The%20term%20%E2%80%9Cdomestic%20violence%E2%80%9D%20includes,spouse%20or%20intimate%20partner%2C%20by

Categories
Due Process False Allegations

Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax Joins Other Lawmakers in Calling for Due Process

Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax Joins Other Lawmakers in Calling for Due Process

SAVE

April 14, 2021

During an April 7 debate at Virginia State University, Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax made a strongly worded plea for the restoration of due process and the presumption of innocence. Fairfax joins a growing number of lawmakers, newspaper editorial boards, and others who have recently called for due process in American society.

During the debate, Fairfax stated, “In Virginia and in our nation, African-Americans, and particularly African-American men, are presumed to be guilty, are treated inhumanely, are given no due process, and have their lives impacted — and in some cases taken away.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yVAsQwTyWws

Fairfax highlighted a false allegation that was leveled against him in 2019, for which some persons “immediately assumed my guilt.” Fairfax concluded, “I have a son and daughter. I don’t want my daughter to be assaulted, I don’t want my son to be falsely accused. But this is the real world that we live in.”

Fairfax joins with leaders from both political parties and two newspaper editorial boards who have recently called for the restoration of due process.

On March 23, Sen. Richard Burr of North Carolina and Rep. Virginia Foxx of North Carolina sent a letter calling on the U.S. Department of Education to maintain the recently enacted Title IX rule to “ensure victims receive the protections they deserve and every student’s rights, including due process rights, are protected.” https://republicans-edlabor.house.gov/uploadedfiles/burr_and_foxx_to_cardona_title_ix_3.23.21.pdf

Two days later, former Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg penned an editorial highlighting how the Obama-era campus policy had shortchanged defendants by failing to “uphold due process.” Bloomberg also noted that “Alleged victims said that schools failed to investigate their claims professionally.” https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-03-25/title-ix-biden-should-bring-better-justice-to-u-s-universities

On March 22, the Editorial Board of the Los Angeles Times criticized the Obama-era policy, which “ignored common traditions of due process for the accused,” causing colleges to swing too hard in favoring accusers. https://news.yahoo.com/editorial-betsy-devoss-campus-sex-100019802.html

Then on March 28, the Washington Post Editorial Board weighed in. The editorial highlighted the due process deficiencies with the Dear Colleague Letter, which gave rise to numerous “successful court challenges.” https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/biden-has-a-chance-to-restore-balance-to-the-rules-on-campus-sexual-assault/2021/03/28/cc4416fc-8767-11eb-8a8b-5cf82c3dffe4_story.html

A public opinion poll by the Center for Prosecutor Integrity revealed many American are questioning the fidelity of our legal system to basic due process principles: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/survey-summary/

  • Three-quarters of respondents — 74.8% — worry our legal system often does not respect “equal treatment under the law”
  • Two-thirds of persons — 66.8% — think the presumption of innocence is becoming lost in our nation’s legal system

SAVE invites lawmakers, newspaper editorial boards, and others to issue statements supportive of due process and the presumption of innocence.

Categories
Sexual Assault

PR: CDC Says Men Are Half of All Victims of Sexual Violence.

PRESS RELEASE

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

CDC Says Men Are Half of All Victims of Sexual Violence. The Biden Sexual Assault Proclamation Omits That Fact.

WASHINGTON / April 5, 2021 – Last week, President Joe Biden issued a Proclamation on National Sexual Assault Prevention and Awareness Month.  The proclamation emphasizes, “According to the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, done by the CDC, one in five women has been a victim of a completed or attempted rape at some point in her lifetime.” (1)

But according to the CDC, “Male victimization is [also] a significant public health problem,” with nearly one in four men experiencing some form of contact sexual violence in their lifetimes (2).

The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey reports that nearly identical numbers of men and women experience sexual violence. Each year, 1.92 million men are made to sexually penetrate, and 1.93 million women are victims of rape (3).    In 82.6% of the “made to penetrate” cases, the perpetrator was a female (4).

A second study of 13,000 school children reported that three-quarters of boys who reported being sexually victimized said the person who violated them was another child. In a little more than half those assaults, the violator was a girl. Most boys who had been assaulted never told an adult (5).

A third study published by the American Psychological Association found that 43% of high school boys and young college men reported they had an unwanted sexual experience. In 95% of these cases, a female acquaintance was the aggressor (6).

UCLA researchers Lara Stemple and Ilan Meyer explain the word “rape” suggests the forcible genital penetration of women, which downplays the existence of sexual victimization of men. For this reason, it is necessary to use the term, “made to penetrate” in assessing levels of male victimization, Stemple and Meyer explain (7).

Earlier this year the Washington Post Magazine featured an article titled, “Sexual Assault Against Boys is a Crisis.” Author Emma Brown emphasized, “When we fail to recognize and address violence against boys, not only are we failing to protect boys, but we also may be stoking violence against women.”  At the end of the article, Brown made a poignant admission: “Deep down, somewhere under my skin, I was holding on to some seriously wrongheaded assumptions — ideas so ingrained I did not even notice them, ideas that rendered boys as something less than human.” (8)

For reasons unknown, the Biden Sexual Assault Statement omits mention of sexual violence against men, even though this is one of the most important findings of the CDC survey. Persons should express their concerns to their elected officials at (202) 224-3121. Or make a comment directly to the White House: https://www.whitehouse.gov/contact/

Links:

  1. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/03/31/a-proclamation-on-national-sexual-assault-prevention-and-awareness-month-2021/
  2. https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/intimatepartnerviolence/men-ipvsvandstalking.html
  3. https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/ss/ss6308.pdf  Table 1, 12-Month section. Because of memory decay and selective recall, 12-Month numbers are more reliable than Lifetime numbers.
  4. https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/ss/ss6308.pdf Page 6.
  5. http://unh.edu/ccrc/pdf/CV365-Gewirtz-Meydan%20and%20Finkelhor%202019.pdf
  6. https://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/2014/03/coerced-sex
  7. https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2014.301946
  8. https://www.washingtonpost.com/magazine/2021/02/22/why-we-dont-talk-about-sexual-violence-against-boys-why-we-should/