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OCR Is About to Rock Our Worlds

ATIXA, the association of Title IX administrators I serve as president, anticipates publication of the final Title IX regulations in the Federal Register within the coming weeks. The federal government last issued Title IX regulations in 1975, so this is somewhat unprecedented. The proposed changes are far more sweeping than the 2011 Dear Colleague letter promulgated by the Office for Civil Rights (OCR). The changes coincide with a due process revolution occurring in some federal courts, as well, with respect to college and university disciplinary processes.

What Will These Changes Mean for Higher Education?

Perhaps 75 to 80 percent of the proposed regulations mandate neutral or beneficial changes or clarifications. Many of the more controversial changes will probably be addressed by a future Congress or through litigation. Some of the proposed changes included in the draft that OCR shared publicly last November may not make it into the final rule.

Most of the changes revolve around due process, which protects all of us, regardless of our campus role or status. They include provisions requiring more substantive written notice to the respondent of the nature of sexual misconduct allegations, the right of the parties to review investigation materials prior to a final determination and the right to a written rationale for the outcome and any sanctions assigned. For the most part, these are rights you would want to protect you if you were accused — rightfully or wrongfully — of sexual misconduct.

What Do We Do Now?

We at ATIXA suggest that colleges and universities continue to honor “best practices” commonly adopted by the higher education field, while moving gradually toward implementing the changes that the regulations will require. Some changes, like equitable interim resources and supports for responding parties, can be implemented now without radical alteration of programs. In its 2011 guidance, OCR was explicit about the need for institutions to provide broad-based supports and resources to victims of sex discrimination, such as counseling services, academic accommodation and housing changes. Now, OCR is making clear its expectation that those supports and resources also be offered to respondents. Many colleges already do so, but OCR wants to ensure uniform provision of services by all funding recipients.

Similarly, colleges can act now to extend all VAWA Section 304 rights to parties in sexual harassment cases. In 2014, Congress enacted amendments to the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), which now are incorporated into the federal Clery Act. These changes codified as law some provisions of Title IX that were previously only proffered as regulatory agency guidance and added many provisions requiring training and prevention by colleges. Oddly, the protections of VAWA Section 304 only extended to what have become known as the “big four” offenses of sexual violence, dating violence, domestic violence and stalking. That created an asymmetry because Title IX protections include not only these four offenses but also conduct like sexual harassment and disparate-treatment sex discrimination that VAWA does not. Institutions were left with two competing laws that did not fully parallel each other. OCR’s proposed regulation logically aligns VAWA and Title IX so that rights do not vary by the type of sex offense alleged.

Thus, institutions can take steps such as providing written notice of the outcome of an allegation to all parties, not just in the big four offenses, but for sexual harassment, too. Additionally, institutions can ensure equitable provision of advisers across all cases impacted by Title IX, not just for those involving the big four.

These kinds of changes will give administrators a head start on compliance before the regulations are even released. Once released, there will be an implementation grace period of perhaps 90 days to as much as 12 months from publication of the final rule to allow colleges and universities time to move toward compliance. So we’re still some months from an enforcement deadline, even if we are unsure what that deadline will be.

What Do We Do When the Regulations Are Published?

Higher education needs to move toward compliance or to decide to litigate the validity of the regulations against the U.S. Department of Education — or both. OCR is obligated to address, in aggregate, the nearly 130,000 comments it received during the public notice-and-comment period. The pressure is on for OCR to make it clear in its responses that its rules are rationally related to the statute, especially with a U.S. Supreme Court that appears increasingly hostile philosophically to agency rules.

Once OCR publishes the final rule, it will expect good-faith efforts to comply. With respect to litigation, it’s unlikely that a federal judge will enjoin the regulations fully, and if there is a partial injunction, colleges and universities will still need to comply with those elements of the regulations that are not enjoined. Unless and until a judge says that they don’t have to comply, colleges and universities will need to become compliant.

It took the higher education field three to four years to fully implement the 2011 guidance, but that kind of lethargy won’t be an option with these new regulations. They will have the force of law behind them rather than simply serving as guidance. Drag your feet on implementation and responding parties will sue the minute you are not according them the full panoply of rights OCR has promised them. Fail to provide the responding party with a copy of the investigation report or sufficient time to prepare for a hearing and you should expect a motion for a temporary restraining order from their lawyer.

The catch-22 is that when you move to compliance, activists will sue to argue that the regulations are ultra vires and anti-victim expansions of agency authority. They will surely challenge provisions that require disclosure to responding parties all evidence provided by reporting parties, even when that evidence is not admissible or used to support a decision. This rule will create a chilling effect on reporting parties and, it will be argued, is beyond the scope of OCR’s authority to enact under the statute. Similar arguments could be made to collaterally attack OCR’s proposed requirements for live hearings and cross-examination facilitated by the parties’ advisers. In fact, activists aren’t the only cohort likely to attack such provisions, as some private colleges are also planning to litigate any attempt to impose a live hearing requirement on them, and have already funded a significant war chest to do so.

Within this highly politicized crucible where any action or inaction will catalyze litigation, institutions need to form committees, task forces and Title IX teams now, so that administrators can study the regulations and commentary when they are published and change what needs to be changed. Faculty grievance processes will be an issue that administrators will have to face and resolve now, if they didn’t back in 2011. OCR is forcing the issue, and Title IX offices are probably going to be between a rock and a hard place — with faculty members who advocate for additional protections, such as clear and convincing evidence as a standard of proof for those accused of sexual assault, while others strongly advocate for preponderance of the evidence.

What Do We Do If We Don’t Agree With Some Provisions Within the Regulations?

About 20 to 25 percent of the regulations are potentially very detrimental to the cause of sex and gender equity in education, and we will need as a field to find ways to work within those requirements, challenge them in court or find clever work-arounds. Proposed provisions on notice, mediation, mandated reporting, live hearings and cross-examination could create significant chilling effects on the willingness of those who experience discrimination, harassment and sexual violence to report it to administrators and pursue formal resolution pathways.

Let’s drill down on each of these proposed provisions a bit. OCR seeks to limit the ways in which recipients are legally put on notice of sex discrimination. Institutions might see this as a welcome safe harbor, but why would colleges and universities want to make it harder to report and respond to incidents? The opening of access and “no wrong doors” approach to intake has been one of the most valuable and enduring legacies of the 2011 guidance, and it has resulted in substantial increases in reporting of incidents for most colleges.

OCR also now plans to remove the “soft ban” on mediation of sexual violence it implemented in 2011. The vast majority of sexual harassment claims can and should be resolved informally, but we need to be sure that the parties are participating voluntarily and not being pressured to minimize the severity of what has happened to them. And many in the field are rightfully concerned about whether colleges and universities have access to mediators skilled enough to resolve allegations of violence. Lower-level sexual harassment is very amenable to resolution via mediation, but the data on whether the same is true for violent incidents is much less conclusive.

Live hearings and cross-examination are the most controversial provisions of the proposed regulations. Of the nearly 130,000 comments submitted to OCR on the draft regulation, most were negative, with a particular targeting of OCR’s desire to turn educational resolution processes into mini-courtrooms that mirror criminal trials. Part of the reason many victims/survivors don’t choose to report campus sexual violence to law enforcement is because they prefer the less formal and less adversarial resolution processes in place at schools and colleges. It will take a strong person to be willing to go through a process where they will be subject to cross-examination by the other party’s lawyer. And, importantly, no research indicates that cross-examination creates more accurate results than other ways of allowing the parties in a sexual misconduct allegation a full and fair opportunity to review and contest all evidence prior to a final determination.

In light of all of this tumult, perhaps the healthiest mind-set is to view the regulations mostly as setting a floor for compliance and to institutionally commit to aim for the ceiling of best practices. Many organizations, including ATIXA, will continue to offer the field extensive guidance on how to evolve exemplary programs within the framework OCR is establishing, and outside it, where we can.

What is clear is that the pendulum is about to swing too far, again. The regulations have the potential to create significant public backlash, especially if colleges are seen as institutionally deprioritizing Title IX compliance in the coming months and years. Potential victims need to see you strengthening your program, not backing down. They are likely to perceive barriers to coming forward in the new rules, and administrators need to do everything possible to reassure potential victims that the Title IX office is still here for them, and that you’ll do everything not prohibited by the regulations to make reporting easier, offer services and resources, establish a process that is transparent and user-friendly, and avoid revictimization.

Regardless, some activists may turn some of their frustration with OCR on you, and we encourage you to be sympathetic, to encourage their voices and to be thoughtful about the ways that remedies-only and informal resolutions may be used to ameliorate or exacerbate the effects of the changes that OCR is catalyzing.

One thing is for sure — defining and maintaining sex and gender equity programmatic excellence in an environment of regulatory change, politicization of Title IX and fervent litigation will be among the most pressing challenges facing colleges and universities in 2020 and for some time to come.

Bio

Brett A. Sokolow is the president of ATIXA, the 3,500-member Association of Title IX Administrators.

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PR: Super Bowl Advisory: SAVE Urges Media to Assure Accurate Reporting on Sex-Trafficking Issue

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

SUPER BOWL ADVISORY: SAVE URGES MEDIA TO ASSURE ACCURATE REPORTING ON SEX-TRAFFICKING ISSUE

WASHINGTON / January 24, 2020 – The Super Bowl, the nation’s premiere sports event, will be held on February 2. In previous years, media outlets have used the event to highlight the problem of sex trafficking, often providing misleading and inaccurate information. SAVE – Stop Abusive and Violent Environments – is calling on media outlets to assure stories about the connections between the Super Bowl and human trafficking are accurate and properly-sourced.

Media accounts of human trafficking often rely on portrayals of men who abduct vulnerable Latin American girls and force them into sexual servitude. Such portrayals are inaccurate because the most common form of human trafficking is forced labor (80% of human trafficking victims), not sex trafficking (20% of victims) (1). Additionally, in Central America and elsewhere, females are the most common perpetrators of human trafficking (2).

Sensationalist media accounts are also harmful because they ignore the vast majority of trafficking victims, they encourage the conduct of inefficient law enforcement “sting” operations, and they weaken the credibility of legitimate anti-trafficking efforts.

The Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women notes, “Around this time every year we notice a spike in press coverage, especially in U.S. media, about a projected rise in trafficking for sex in whichever U.S. state is hosting the Super Bowl….there is no evidence to support the claim.” (4) A University of Minnesota report concludes, “available empirical evidence did not support a causal or correlative link between Super Bowls and sex trafficking.” (5) And University of Miami professor Kelli Lyon Johnson charges, “anti-trafficking awareness campaigns share many features with fake news and alternative facts.” (6)

SAVE urges media outlets to recognize that sex-trafficking is not the same as prostitution; to not promote false stereotypes about sex traffickers; and to assure that statements by law enforcement officials and advocacy groups are appropriately sourced. A Fact Sheet, “10 Facts About Human Trafficking,” is available on the SAVE website: http://www.saveservices.org/2020/01/fact-sheet-10-facts-about-human-trafficking/

Citations:

  1. https://www.ilo.org/global/publications/books/WCMS_575479/lang–en/index.htm
  2. https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/glotip/2018/GLOTiP_2018_BOOK_web_small.pdf
  3. https://www.ilo.org/global/publications/books/WCMS_575479/lang–en/index.htm
  4. https://www.gaatw.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=761:super-bowl-or-super-hyperbole&catid=68:GAATW%20News&Itemid=82
  5. https://www.antitraffickingreview.org/index.php/atrjournal/article/view/404/336
  6. https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/beyond-trafficking-and-slavery/cutting-corners-to-make-compelling-story-trafficking-awareness-camp/
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2019: A Banner Year for SAVE

In 2019 SAVE — a leader in the national policy movement to restore due process, stop false allegations, and protect all victims — had a banner year. As we close out this year, SAVE is putting a bow on 2019 and gearing up for the challenges and opportunities the New Year is sure to bring.

We take this opportunity to thank you for joining in our fight and inspiring us to keep moving the needle towards fairness. As we reflect back on 2019, SAVE…

…diligently focused on restoring campus due process and Title IX requirements.

  • SAVE influenced the pending Title IX regulation by submitting 3 in-depth comments during the Notice & Comment period.
  • SAVE assisted prospective students and parents to avoid schools with biased and unfair practices by publishing a list of the 25 worst colleges for due process.
  • Attorneys benefited by the publishing of a new interactive spreadsheet listing over 100 lawsuits with favorable outcomes, and also by the publication of the Special Report: Appellate Court Decisions for Allegations of Campus Sexual Misconduct, 2013-2018.
  • SAVE visited 12 states (NM, TX, CA, OR, WA, MO, MN, NY, NY, CO, CT, MA) to shape their state’s campus sexual assault laws.
  • SAVE made our presence and position known on Capitol Hill with over 150 lobbying visits in the House and Senate designed to restore due process to campus Title IX proceedings.

…. educated stakeholders on unfair victim-centered and trauma informed investigative techniques.

  • Police departments and campus security offices across our nation received letters from SAVE to discontinue their use of biased trauma-informed investigative techniques.
  • SAVE assisted defense attorneys by developing legal strategies for their interest and use.
  • SAVE gained 3,350 signatures from concerned citizens on the Change.org Petition (“Stop Sham ‘Start by Believing’ Investigations”).
  • SAVE sent two letters to Attorney General Barr to stop DOJ funding of Start By Believing investigations
  • SAVE published a new report that debunks trauma-informed methods: “Understanding the Neurobiology of Trauma and Implications for Interviewing Victims: Are We Trading One Prejudice for Another?”

…. saw encouraging results with campuses owning up to their Title IX obligations by ending disparities in sex-specific scholarships.

  • SAVE analyzed scholarship websites of 269 colleges in all 50 states and sent 228 Demand Letters to universities.
  • Ten colleges voluntarily ended their discriminatory, female-only scholarships due to SAVE sending a Demand Letter highlighting their obligations to Title IX.
  • The Office of Civil Rights received 18 complaints from SAVE to investigate universities for alleged Title IX non-compliance.

…worked to reform the Violence Against Women Act:

  • SAVE volunteer lobbyists held over 100 meetings in the House & Senate to educate staffers on the flawed version of VAWA.
  • SAVE sponsored a well-attended DC press conference to shed a bright light on the issue.
  • SAVE distributed flyers on a weekly basis to members of Congress.
  • SAVE promoted a “Fresh Start” to the VAWA law, which has begun a movement to a restored and fairer version of VAWA.

…shaped public opinion on due process, trauma-informed investigative techniques and VAWA by appearing on talk-radio in over 160 interviews.  Media outlets, such as the LA Times, reported on the positive work SAVE is accomplishing with the Title IX Equity project.

We have a lot to be thankful for at SAVE and your continued support of our work is at the top of the list.   We foresee challenges, opportunities and victories in 2020 and beyond.  You have our commitment to continue to passionately lead the policy movement to restore due process, stop false allegations, and protect all victims.

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Joe Biden Promises To Restore Obama’s Disastrous Campus Kangaroo Courts

By signaling his intention to restore unfair Title IX guidance, Biden is showing his willingness to eviscerate due process to please far-left activists.
Joe Biden has learned nothing from the Title IX due process disaster plaguing America’s campuses. The former vice president has released a plan on his website to restore the Obama administration’s infamous 2011 Dear Colleague letter, which Biden’s plan describes as outlining how to “fairly conduct Title IX proceedings.” In reality, the Dear Colleague letter introduced a monstrously unfair process that has forced hundreds of young men to sue for their rights — and reputations — in federal courts.

An accused’s rights to confront his or her accuser through cross examination and to have a neutral adjudicator have long been considered the very basics of due process. In the name of protecting women, the 2011 guidance encouraged universities to abandon these well-tested pillars in favor of a single-investigator model, in which a Title IX administrator both elicits the stories from the involved parties and rules on the outcome. The Dear Colleague letter also pushed universities into lowering the standard of proof and discouraged any kind of cross examination that might probe discrepancies in an alleged victim’s story.

“It’s particularly concerning that a presidential candidate seems oblivious to the unintended repercussions of a policy he championed. Over 500 lawsuits have been filed by accused students since the 2011 Dear Colleague letter, resulting in at least 161 court decisions in these students’ favor and over 100 pre-decision settlements,” Garrett said.

She also added that to her knowledge, Biden did not even reach out to organizations concerned about due process or any of the families of those suing their universities before pronouncing the Obama administration action an unalloyed good that should be restored.

Under Secretary Betsy DeVos, President Trump’s Department of Education withdrew the Obama-era guidance and proposed a new, fairer rule, which among other changes ensures that those accused of Title IX misconduct on campus have access to a fair adjudicator, the advice of counsel, and the ability to question (through third parties) their accusers. Now, leading Democratic candidate Biden says he will restore the madhouse that federal judges have excoriated as “enough to shock the Court’s conscience.”

Is it any wonder that in the wake of watching the Kavanaugh hearings, in which a man with an impeccable record had his reputation nationally and permanently trashed by allegations countered by all the available evidence, more American men reported they’d rather be falsely accused of murder than sexual misconduct? In that same poll, almost 60 percent of both the men and women surveyed said society presumes a man accused of sexual assault to be guilty.

While we should of course have sympathy for victims of sexual assault, the unfair process Biden blithely promises to restore has victims as well. FACE collects some of their stories, mostly anonymized to protect the young men and their families still traumatized and ashamed by their experiences with unfair campus adjudication.

It’s doubtless true that many women have negative experiences in the alcohol-fueled hookup culture prevalent on most American universities, but attempting to cram the genie back in the bottle with over-broad definitions of consent and unfair processes just creates more victims. And the kangaroo processes necessary to punish men for failing to read women’s minds in ambiguous situations infantilize women, as well as cheapen the experiences of real rape victims.

Inez Feltscher Stepman is a senior contributor at The Federalist. She is also a senior policy analyst at Independent Women’s Forum and the Thursday editor of BRIGHT, a women’s newsletter. Find her on Twitter @inezfeltscher.
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NBC Smears AG Barr, Book About Campus Sexual Assault

In an attempt to smear Attorney General William Barr, NBC News framed a story about Barr’s support for due process (which shouldn’t be controversial) as him supporting rapists.

It’s a typical tactic by the media these days. Ever since the Obama administration issued guidelines in 2011 warning schools that they needed to find more male students responsible for sexual assault, due process has gone out the window. In 2017, professor K.C. Johnson and scholar Stuart Taylor wrote a book about the issue. At the time, I wrote a review for RealClear Books — and my previous work on the subject was also referenced multiple times in the book.

The book details how colleges and universities ignore exculpatory evidence and hinder students’ due process rights in order to obtain findings of responsibility to avoid federal investigations that threaten the schools’ federal funding. Johnson and Taylor, using court documents, describe multiple instances where male students have been found responsible even though the evidence suggested they were innocent.

NBC reported that Barr “strongly endorsed a 2017 book accusing colleges and universities of unfairly punishing male students accused of rape.” That is not accurate, as the book accuses schools of unfairly punishing male students dubiously accused of rape. The book does not decry students who are likely guilty receiving too harsh a punishment, as NBC claimed.

“President Obama’s Education Department — promulgating regulations beyond its statutory authority, invoking erroneous data, and fanning the false narrative of a ‘rape culture’ on college campuses — has created a regime of kangaroo justice,” Barr wrote in the blurb.

This is an accurate statement. The Obama administration used false data purporting to show that 20% of women are sexually assaulted in college (surveys that use an overly broad definition of sexual assault in order to get such a high number) to justify eviscerating due process rights in campus tribunals. This same statistic has been used to claim there is a “rape culture” on college campuses, with activists and politicians insisting that drunken hookups are now sexual assault. Further, as I previously stated, the lack of due process and the ignoring of exculpatory evidence create a kangaroo court. Franz Kafka would be appalled.

 

NBC also distorted a recent story about Supreme Court Brett Kavanaugh. NBC wrote: “The New York Times published an excerpt of a new book detailing asexual assault allegation against Kavanaugh while a student at Yale that he had previously denied. The book also includes information about a new allegation.”

This leaves out important details — like how the book does not contain corroborating evidence for the previous claim and the new allegation was denied by the alleged victim.

The most egregious case in the book from Johnson and Stuart involves a male Amherst College student who blacked out, received oral sex from his girlfriend’s roommate, and was accused of sexual assault nearly two years later. In the time between the act and the accusation, the female accuser lost her friendship with the man’s girlfriend and became friends with feminist campus activists. Even though Amherst has a policy explaining that a person could be in a black-out state without appearing to be inebriated and determined the male student was likely blacked out, it still found him responsible and expelled him. After the student hired an attorney, he learned that the woman had lied about what happened after the alleged encounter. She claimed she was distraught and called a friend over. That “friend” was actually another male student with whom she had been flirting previously in the night. She sent text messages to her friend explaining that she had done something “so fu**ig [sic] stupid” with her roommate’s boyfriend and that “it’s pretty [obvious] I wasn’t an innocent bystander.”

She proceeded to text this friend about the man she invited over after the encounter — about how he wasn’t making a move on her. This male student signed an affidavit saying she was not at all distraught that night.

When the male student brought these messages to Amherst, school administrators refused to allow him back in, claiming the process worked. The school eventually settled with the student.

Naturally, NBC didn’t include anything from the actual book in its report.

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Mediation is Making an Impact on College Campuses

Mediation is playing an increasingly larger role in helping colleges manage serious campus disputes—particularly in Title IX–related matters. Using “neutrals”—parlance in the legal field for mediators—more often is being propelled by industry choice, not legal mandate.

 

Higher education finds itself today in a highly regulated and litigious culture—where debate abounds regarding dispute resolution processes for colleges. The culture wars over dispute resolution models in higher education threaten to undermine the autonomy of the field. This situation is also highly dynamic; it is almost impossible to predict what might happen in Title IX regulation. Many institutions are confused about which models of dispute resolution are, and will remain, legally compliant. The U.S. Department of Education has changed course several times on preferred dispute resolution models—and may very well do so again. Several courts around the country have ruled on college discipline systems—with various, and at times inconsistent, decrees on fundamental fairness and due process. However, amidst the confusion, one trend seems clear: Colleges are being mandated to use more formalized adjudicatory processes. College “court,” for better or worse, is emerging. But will a trend toward mandated formal adjudicatory models in higher education propel other models—perhaps ones higher education chooses for itself?

Integrating ADR Into the Process

Our extensive experience with actual court systems leads us to believe the answer will be yes. The legal system itself now depends heavily on alternative dispute resolution (ADR)—which includes mediation. Individuals with serious disputes often want, need and even deserve ADR. ADR gained widespread acceptance a generation ago for the simple reason that not everything can, or should, go to court or be subject to adversarial or overly formal processes.  What happened in the legal system is now happening on campuses: Colleges are relying on alternative forms of dispute resolution of their own devise—educational equivalents of ADR that, as we advocate, will benefit immensely from being integrated with received wisdom regarding ADR from the legal field.

Struggling to maintain autonomy in the face of external regulation and find sustainable solutions, colleges need help.

Consider as a prime example the recent evolution of Title IX compliance work. Individuals impacted by sex discrimination often actively seek to avoid formalized adjudicatory processes; they instead desire (even demand) outcomes and interventions that colleges sometimes struggle to offer—meaningful long-term resolutions, truth (not posturing in a hearing), healing, social justice, apologies, creative remedies and, yes, learningEvery Title IX coordinator has interviewed students who do not wish to attend hearings or invoke sanctions. To some students, being forced into a formal, adversarial hearing seems like a sanction in and of itself. Moreover, the use of no-contact arrangements is now ubiquitous in Title IX work—often dominating the time and energy of Title IX administrators. Consider also that many well-trained and dedicated dispute resolution specialists on campuses—members of the Association for Student Conduct Administration, Title IX investigators, etc.—are lamenting that the educational function of student discipline is now floundering in a tide of adversarial, legalistic formalisms. Litigation is replacing education—law over learning.

Struggling to maintain autonomy in the face of external regulation and find sustainable solutions, colleges need help. We recommend self-help for higher education—combining existing and functional dispute resolution practices on campus with proven mediation techniques and experienced neutral mediators.

The Need for Experienced Neutrals

The spread of mediation in higher education will be facilitated by the cadre of trained and experienced neutrals available to integrate with the higher education industry. College mediation practices can have access to lawyers and retired judges with extensive experience—some in sexual violence matters in other contexts, such as criminal justice or in the business world. The point is not to replicate other systems or simply parachute neutrals into higher education. Colleges and universities will not want to replicate the criminal justice system, which serves different goals and itself is undergoing deep and fundamental change (and has struggled with issues of social justice, including dealing with acquaintance sexual violence). Mediation, by its very nature, is not uniform and must adapt to and serve the environment in which it operates. Experience in business or criminal court mediation provides useful training for mediators; much of what mediators learn in one context is transferrable to other situations. Uniquely, mediation in the higher education context must be driven by learning and educational outcomes.  A proposed model developed with academia at its forefront could involve internal school resources, e.g., counselors, advisors, etc., serving as the first step to work with the parties involved, and the second step could introduce external professionally trained mediators who understand the nuances of school campuses and the reported policy violations that occur there. Experienced neutrals will be population sensitive, recognizing, for example, that traditional-aged college students are at a critical stage of development.

Many institutions are confused about which models of dispute resolution are, and will remain, legally compliant.

The resources to integrate mediation into higher education are already available. Entities experienced in dispute resolution system design, such as JAMS, are available to work with higher education in developing sustainable and facilitative dispute resolution models for the colleges of the future. Colleges have the opportunity to enlist retired judges, for example, whose expertise has been developed by tax dollars. A pioneer in the field of ADR, the late Harvard professor Roger Fisher, might have implored us to “get to yes” with experienced mediators, as opposed to “getting to no” with adversarial processes.

Modern Solutions to Historical Problems

The rise of mediation in higher education will not herald the arrival of an exogenous force. Higher education neutrals must connect their knowledge and experience with dispute resolution trends from within higher education. College administrators have recently made significant strides to make historical college discipline codes more responsive to the modern demands of social justice and more respectful of students in conflict with others or with the institution itself. Institutional efforts at implementing restorative justice models and using educational conferences, however, have struggled to gain legal traction in court and with regulators. Yet restorative justice techniques have great potential for higher education institutions—working with individuals’ lived experiences, healing and focusing upon community building and reclamation.

Restorative justice techniques were borrowed from the legal system, where they have shown promise in difficult-to-resolve matters—for example, those involving sexual misconduct among acquaintances. Combining college restorative justice practices with mediation and trained higher education neutrals offers the potential for even more promising outcomes. (Some prosecutors in criminal justice systems use a form of restorative justice, but there is a coercive aspect to implementation in this context. Prosecutors can use restorative justice as leverage over criminal defendants—i.e., participate or go to jail. Colleges, however, are at liberty to divorce restorative justice practices from a prosecutorial or adversarial function—and instead connect such practices with educational functions.)

Many colleges also use educational conferences as a point of contact with students in conflict with the institution or others, but as valuable as they may be, proponents of highly legalistic and adversarial systems of dispute resolution are inclined to view these conferences as defective hearings—not valuable educational interventions where trained educators in the role of facilitators explore how students may learn to make better decisions or resolve conflicts as active agents in the resolution process. Restorative justice practices and educational conferences capture many, if not all, of the significant features of modern mediation. On its own, higher education has been charting a path toward what we see as an evolving form of  mediation. It’s time to take the next step and integrate good work on campus with skills and skilled professionals in the ADR field.

A recent court decision on due process extolled the virtue of cross-examination as a tool to find the truth; in the educational context, the greatest tool to uncover the truth may be building trust. There are unusual matters where hope for trust and learning are gone. There will be times when formal adjudicative processes will be necessary and appropriate, when individuals have so transgressed our educational community norms that educational opportunities have ceased and there is nothing to mediate. But the majority of conflict on campuses occupies other spaces where learning and healing opportunities are often present.

Stepping Along the Right Path Forward

Our colleges deserve dispute resolution processes suited to our industry, ones that we have created. Mediation offers a path forward, building on the very instincts of educators to create facilitative, not adversarial, learning environments. Enter experienced third-party neutrals, those unaffiliated with the school, whom would be able to not only foster trust among the parties, but also between the parties and the school by virtue of the very fact that they aren’t a member of administration.  Seasoned external and skillful mediators brought to campus for their dispute resolution expertise alleviates perceptions of bias and provides safeguards against potential overburdening of faculty and staff. It is time for a common sense idea to enter the cultural dialogue in higher education. We can often work things out with a little help from others, but when we can’t, there is always the court system to fall back on.

Hon. Jane Cutler Greenspan (Ret.)

 Hon. Jane Cutler Greenspan (Ret.) is a JAMS neutral, based in Philadelphia. She routinely serves as an arbitrator and mediator in complex commercial, labor, financial and business disputes, as well as an adjudicator in a number of higher education Title IX cases. 

Peter F. Lake

 Peter F. Lake is a law professor and director of the Center for Excellence in Higher Education Law and Policy at Stetson University College of Law. He is also a senior higher education consulting attorney with Steptoe & Johnson LLP.

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Chippewa Falls woman arrested in murder-for-hire scheme

CHIPPEWA FALLS — A Chippewa Falls woman who was arrested in an alleged murder-for-hire

scheme will remain in jail on a $250,000 cash bond.

Melanie S. Schrader, 47, 438 Olive St., appeared for a bond hearing Friday morning on a possible

charge of conspiracy to commit murder.

“Ms. Schrader and Derek Gerke are involved in a child custody matter,” Chippewa County District

Attorney Wade Newell explained at the hearing. “She reached out to a friend who she thought knew

bikers who could take care of Mr. Gerke.”

The friend initially ignored Schrader’s comments. But when she asked a second time, the friend

alerted law enforcement, Newell said.

An agent with the Department of Criminal Investigation posed as a hit man, he said.

“They had a telephone conversation set up, with details of the hit,” Newell said. “She went to make a

down payment of the hit, and she went and gave him a picture of the person.”

Newell requested the $250,000 cash bond, calling it a serious matter.

“The state has concerns about the safety of Mr. Gerke as well as his family, and the child in the

middle of the child custody issue,” Newell said. “The concern is if Ms. Schrader gets out of

custody, that she will flee with the child and we’ll never see her again. Obviously, something has

made her think this is the best way to deal with a child custody matter.”

Defense attorney Francesco Balistrieri pointed out that Schrader is a life-long area resident and has

no criminal record. Balisteri said he doesn’t consider her a flight risk. He requested she be released

on a signature bond.

However, Judge Steve Cray followed Newell’s recommendation and ordered the $250,000 cash bond,

with the requirement she have no contact with Gerke or his family if she is released. Cray set a return

date for Tuesday.

Schrader was taken into custody at 11 a.m. Thursday. She appeared in court via video from the jail,

looked down, never raising her head, throughout the hearing.

The Wisconsin Department of Criminal Investigation is assisting the Chippewa County Sheriff’s

Department and the Chippewa Falls Police Department in investigating the case.

 

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Universities should not reward gender

Editors Note: The opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the opinions of the Tropolitan or its staff members. Address responses and critiques to opinion@tropnews.com

Last week, the L.A. Times reported that the U.S. Department of Education opened more than two dozen different investigations around gender discrimination in universities such as Rice and Yale. The basis of these investigations comes from studies that show gender inequality in scholarship offers. One such survey was recently released by the nonprofit organization Stop Abusive and Violent Environments (SAVE). The survey points out that most single gender scholarships are granted to women. 

The study examined more than 200 colleges across the United States and found that the total number of single gender scholarships vastly favored women over men. In our state of Alabama alone, there are 87 women-only scholarships compared to only three for men. Here at Troy, there are five scholarships only for women and one scholarship only for men. Auburn University has one of the most egregious gender scholarship gaps in the entire country. There, women are offered 67 scholarships compared to a measly one for men. 

Title IX, a federal law that applies to any school that receives federal money, makes discrimination based on sex in education programs illegal. Single gender scholarships are permitted under this rule if the “overall effect” of scholarships is equitable. In other words, the scholarships are legal if the opportunities offered to one gender are equal to the other. This recent study from SAVE shows that the overall effect of these gender-specific scholarships is not equitable. Therefore, the universities offering these scholarships in such lopsided proportions should be investigated, as they are quite possibly violating title IX rules. 

The reason for these possible violations isn’t the fact that universities offer only women or only men scholarships. Each individual scholarship on its own is and should be respected and uncontested. The problem is when the disproportionate numbers offered to women over men is taken into account. At Troy for instance, if the university offered five scholarships that were only to women and five that were only to men, that would have an overall equitable effect since both genders would be given the same number of exclusive opportunities. Instead, women are given a larger amount more than men, and thus the effect is not equitable. 

Now, if there are more men receiving gender neutral scholarships, that might change the balance enough for the existence of such a gender specific scholarship gap. However, I was unable to find specific numbers of distribution of general scholarships based on gender. I did find that more women attend and graduate college compared to their male counterparts. Women make up roughly 57% of college students and earn more bachelors and doctoral degrees annually than men. 

I think that men should have at least an equal amount of gender specific scholarships. 

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Sex Without A Notarized Document Of Consent Is Teetering On Becoming A Thing Of The Past

Of course, even a notarized document doesn’t protect you, as the person you’re having sex with could say they withdrew consent mid-act, and you don’t have proof that you had consent to continue.

In short, this proposed new law is how to fuck any man over — because it’s mostly men who will get ensnared by the revision that’s being proposed, moving over “affirmative consent” from college campuses to the rest of the adult world.

Samantha Harris blogs for theFIRE.org:

In just a few days, the American Bar Association will consider whether to adopt a resolution urging state legislatures to adopt a criminal-law definition of consent similar to the “affirmative consent” standard increasingly popular on college campuses. Given the ABA’s reputation and influence, it would be disastrous for due process if this resolution were to pass.Here is the resolution (emphasis added):

RESOLVED, That the American Bar Association urges legislatures and courts to define consent in sexual assault cases as the assent of a person who is competent to give consent to engage in a specific act of sexual penetration, oral sex, or sexual contact, to provide that consent is expressed by words or action in the context of all the circumstances, and to reject any requirement that sexual assault victims have a legal burden of verbal or physical resistance.

By making sex presumptively nonconsensual unless and until someone can produce evidence of consent, affirmative consent standards effectively shift the burden of proof to accused parties to prove themselves innocent.

From The College Fix’s Greg Piper on the guilty until proven innocent tack of this resolution and some of the groups that oppose it on that count:

Among the groups opposing the resolution is the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, which says it would prove an offense occurred “merely upon evidence of a sex act with nothing more.”The resolution shifts the burden of proof to the accused for each act, undefined, within a larger sexual encounter, and “assumes guilt in the absence of any evidence regarding consent,” the association wrote last month.

“This radical change in the law would violate the Due Process Clause of the Fifth and
Fourteenth Amendments and the Presumption of Innocence,” the group argues. “The resolution will often force the defendant to testify in order to present evidence that consent was expressed.”

An essential bit from the NACDL link:

1. Burden-Shifting in Violation of Due Process and Presumption of Innocence: NACDL opposes ABA Resolution 114 because it shifts the burden of proof by requiring an accused person to prove affirmative consent to each sexual act rather than requiring the prosecution to prove lack of consent. The resolution assumes guilt in the absence of any evidence regarding consent. This radical change in the law would violate the Due Process Clause of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments and the Presumption of Innocence. It offends fundamental and well-established notions of justice.

From Sam Harris’s excellent piece at FIRE:

Affirmative consent standards are already common in campus disciplinary proceedings. On campus, not only has affirmative consent proven confusing, but the state of due process and fair procedure is so bad that over the past eight years, more than 500 accused students have filed lawsuits alleging that they were not afforded even the most basic procedural protections before being found responsible for sexual misconduct. As high as the stakes are on campus — where students found responsible face the loss of educational and job opportunities as well as permanent stigma — they are higher still in the criminal context, where those found guilty face imprisonment.We hope that the ABA’s House of Delegates will reject this resolution as a grave threat to the due process rights of those accused of one of society’s most serious crimes.

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Former Va. governor Doug Wilder contests finding of sexual harassment investigation

July 23

Former Virginia governor L. Douglas Wilder has formally contested the finding of an investigator hired by Virginia Commonwealth University who concluded that he kissed a 20-year-old student without her consent.

The 88-year-old Democrat, who is a distinguished professor at the university’s L. Douglas Wilder School of Government, accused the VCU office overseeing the investigation of “underlying bias.”

He said the reasoning of Jody Shipper, an outside attorney and investigator with expertise in federal civil rights law, is “unsound, biased and violates due process.”

He made the accusations in a 15-page document posted on his website and social media accounts Tuesday and submitted to VCU last week in response to Shipper’s findings.

Shipper found Wilder responsible for “non-consensual sexual contact” for kissing Sydney Black in 2017, according to a two-page summary of the investigation’s findings.

Black was a student and worked as an assistant at the Wilder School at the time of the incident. The report cleared Wilder of three other charges that were based on Black’s complaint: sexual exploitation, sex- or gender-based discrimination, and retaliation.

Because Wilder is contesting the finding of the investigator, the VCU Review Panel is expected to hold a hearing to determine whether the probe was conducted properly.

University spokesman Michael Porter declined to comment on the findings of the investigation or release Shipper’s full 262-page report, but he defended the university’s approach to allegations of sexual misconduct.

“VCU takes seriously any allegations of misconduct and all parties’ rights to a fair and impartial process that provides a full opportunity to be heard,” he said in a statement.

Black’s attorney, Jason V. Wolfrey, said he requested an extension to give Black until Aug. 2 to submit her response to Wilder’s document. Black believes Shipper was impartial, he said.

“She just wants it to be over,” he said. “She’s upset, but she’s also fired up a little now.”

The grandson of slaves, Wilder became the nation’s first elected African American governor and served from 1990 to 1994.

Black filed a complaint with VCU in December 2018, alleging that Wilder kissed her and made other overtures, including suggestions that she could live at his country house and join him on trips.

His first extensive public comments about the investigation, the document posted on Wilder’s website said Black’s “allegations are false, lack credibility and reflect glaring inconsistencies.”

It said she may have invented the story “to reap a financial reward from a respected, high-profile faculty member who might be more concerned with the appearance of impropriety [than] with the underlying truth.”

“While disappointed in the External Investigator’s findings and with growing concerns about the impartiality of the overall process, Wilder remains confident that the truth will [come] out,” the document said.

Wolfrey, Black’s attorney, said she never asked Wilder for money or to pay her bills and has no plans to file a lawsuit. She has asked VCU to forgive about $4,000 in tuition debt incurred after she filed the complaint and withdrew from classes, he said.

Much of the dispute stems from events on Feb. 16, 2017, when Wilder and Black dined together at the Boathouse, a riverfront restaurant in Richmond to celebrate her 20th birthday.

Black said Wilder invited her to dinner; Wilder said that dining together was “at best a mutual decision.”

Black has said Wilder bought her vodka martinis, knowing she was underage. Wilder denied that he intended to make her vulnerable to his advances. He also denied inviting her to spend a weekend with him in Atlanta.

Wilder pointed to inconsistencies between Black’s statements to Shipper and records and other interviews that he said were detailed in Shipper’s report.

Black said they went to his condo after dinner, where Wilder kissed her and touched her leg. But Wilder said Shipper’s report indicated Black told her roommate that Wilder merely tried to kiss her without mentioning the leg touch.

The roommate said Black told her about the incident only after the investigation began, Wilder said, quoting the report, but Black said she told the roommate the same night.

Black said she told her mother that Wilder tried to touch her leg but did not mention actual touching or a kiss, he said, citing the report.

Wilder also takes issue with the report’s description of phone calls between him and Black after the dinner.

He said Shipper concluded that he wouldn’t have called Black after the dinner “if there had not been some kind of precipitating event he felt required further discussion.”

Wilder said he would call Black only after she called or texted him asking for a call in return.

Wilder said the “deliberate and calculated” omission of these details about the nature and frequency of the calls is “indicative of bias and constitutes a gross violation of due process.”

Black has said Wilder invited her to his country home in Charles City, Va., to apologize for the kiss, but he said he allowed her to visit only “with the belief that doing so was merely a hospitable gesture.”

Although Black has said she “felt scared” to be alone with Wilder after he kissed her, Wilder said, “notwithstanding these claims,” she drove more than an hour to the home, knowing they would be alone.

“This is hardly the behavior of a young woman who had been previously sexually assaulted by the person she was meeting and of whom she claimed she was ‘scared,’ ” he said.

Wilder said Shipper relied on the “very same inconsistencies and behaviors” to find other allegations unfounded.

“No reasonable unbiased External Investigator, without a pre-existing agenda, armed with this information, would conclude that it was more likely than not that Wilder kissed Complainant and touched her leg,” the posting on his website said.

He asked what steps were taken to make sure VCU employees overseeing the investigation treated him fairly after a previous case in which Wilder accused a prominent VCU dean of harassing Wilder’s assistant, Angelica Bega.

Wilder also noted that Black reported the incident to the Richmond Police Department, which he said determined the allegations were unfounded. A police spokesman confirmed no charges were filed.