Categories
Campus Due Process Sexual Harassment

Title IX Coordinators Should Embrace New Regulation to Reduce Liability Risks

2020 will be a year in which institutions of higher education (IHEs) suffer heavy financial losses. The COVID-19 shutdown is costing them many millions of dollars in lost revenues.

Significant losses due to mounting litigation are also at an all-time high. Never before have costs been higher for IHEs to defend themselves in lawsuits brought by alleged sexual assault perpetrators or victims claiming mistreatment by their institutions. IHEs must implement policies and procedures to reduce the high cost of sexual assault claims.

In 2017 United Educators (UE), which provides liability insurance to more than 1,600 schools around the country, launched its Canopy risk management program. Canopy has issued two White Papers on campus sexual assault: “The High Cost of Student-Victim Sexual Assault Claims” (1) and “Sexual Assault Claims: Perpetrator as Plaintiff” (2).

The reports document that between 2011-2015, sexual assault claims resulted in losses averaging nearly $350,000 each, with a few causing losses that exceeded $1 million. Losses in claims by accused students were driven by defense costs, which accounted for 71% of losses. Total losses due to perpetrator claims were almost $9 million, with total defense costs $6.3 million.

Lawsuits by alleged perpetrators or victims included allegations of breach of contract, Title IX violations, and negligence. Alleged types of misconduct by university personnel included the following (2):

  1. Failure to properly train staff on institutional policies
  2. Flawed reporting processes that discouraged complainants from reporting assaults
  3. Unclear policy language with insufficient written descriptions of policies and procedures
  4. Poor investigative practices with inadequate investigator training and lack of clarity about the investigator’s role
  5. Problematic adjudication practices, including poor selection of hearing panelists and inadequate training of hearing officials

Recurring patterns in the United Educators’ claims database reveal a number of needed actions to address sexual violence. Specifically, institutions should ensure that:

  • Title IX coordinators and investigators have appropriate training or experience and clarity on their roles,
  • Employees have a clear understanding of reporting obligations,
  • Sanctions are consistently and fairly applied, and
  • Campus officials respond quickly to retaliation reports.

UE also noted that alleged “Victims and perpetrators are equally entitled to know what to expect during the school’s internal process” and usually, “both parties to a campus sexual assault matter are the institution’s students and are entitled to the same procedural protections and general equitable treatment.” (3)

But instead of heeding this advice, Title IX coordinators have continued to take actions that place their universities at risk for future litigation.

In March, 2020 it was reported that over 600 lawsuits have been filed on behalf of students (and some school personnel) accused of Title IX-related offenses (4). Numerous high profile cases, such as the complaint against Baylor University (5) and Penn State University’s handling of the Jerry Sandusky case (6) have been featured in national news reports spotlighting institutions’ failure to protect victims.

Complaints alleging Title IX violations also can be opened for investigation by the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR), resulting in a time-consuming and expensive process for these schools. The University of Southern California (7) and Michigan State University (8) are two recent institutions that were investigated by OCR, resulting in sweeping changes or record fines due to their mishandling of sexual assault claims.

The U.S. Department of Education’s upcoming Title IX regulation will provide both a regulatory framework and procedural guidance so Title IX coordinators can provide a consistent, reliable response to an allegation of sexual assault. All of the above-listed actions from United Educator’s reports are addressed in the new regulation. Compliance with the regulation should result in fewer lawsuits against universities.

Title IX coordinators should embrace the new Title IX regulation to bring an end to the problematic policies and procedures that have resulted in significant financial losses to their institutions.

Citations:

1. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/53e530a1e4b021a99e4dc012/t/590501f74402431ac4900596/1493500411575/FN-+RE-+2017.04-+High+Cost+of+Student-Victim+SA+Claims.pdf 
2. Canopy, “Sexual Assault Claims: Perpetrator as Plaintiff” (content no longer available on the internet)
3. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/53e530a1e4b021a99e4dc012/t/590501f74402431ac4900596/1493500411575/FN-+RE-+2017.04-+High+Cost+of+Student-Victim+SA+Claims.pdf
4. https://www.titleixforall.com/
5. https://www.espn.com/college-football/story/_/id/24090683/baylor-university-settles-title-ix-lawsuit-which-gang-rape-8-football-players-was-alleged
6. https://www.thefire.org/ocr-penn-state-violated-rights-of-both-complainants-and-respondents-in-title-ix-proceedings/
7. https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/secretary-devos-requires-sweeping-changes-usc-after-title-ix-investigation-finds-university-failed-years-protect-students-sexual-abuse
8. https://www.freep.com/story/news/education/2019/09/05/msu-fine-larry-nassar-betsy-devos/2219781001/

 

Categories
Action Alert Campus Due Process

Release the Regs! Release the Regs!

The civil rights of K-12 students, and university students and faculty, continue to be trampled on as each day passes. It is past time for the Department of Education to publish the new Title IX regulations, because “Justice delayed is justice denied.” [1]

We need your help.

Apparently Secretary DeVos and her team are pushing to get the regulations published, but there is a difference of opinion at the White House, as to whether to publish the regulations during the COVID-19 crisis.

SAVE and other due process advocacy groups [2] say now is the best time to publish the regulations because the campuses are quiet and empty of students. The administrators have the time and capacity to put implementation plans in place before the fall semester begins.

Most importantly, students and faculty deserve the right to have fair and equitable procedures when accused of a sexual misconduct issue. This includes presumption of innocence, timely and adequate written notice, and a meaningful hearing process.

No more Kangaroo Courts! Release the Regs!

Please email the White House today at https://www.whitehouse.gov/contact/ and tell them to let the Department of Education release the Title IX regulations. When students walk onto campuses in the fall, they should be taking their civil rights with them, not leaving them at home.

[1]https://www.politico.com/story/2017/07/16/betsy-devos-civil-rights-office-240610

[2]https://www.thecollegefix.com/times-up-to-restore-due-process-groups-urge-devos-to-ignore-coronavirus-stalling-tactics-for-title-ix-reform/

Categories
Campus Due Process Sexual Harassment

Open Letter to the 18 Attorneys General Opposed to the New Title IX Regulation

The long-awaited Department of Education regulations on adjudicating allegations of
sexual misconduct on college campuses are poised for release. In response, the
American Council on Education (ACE) (1) and eighteen state attorneys general (2) have
sought to block the guidelines. I believe this effort is misguided.

The regulations would restore basic fairness to sexual misconduct proceedings on
campus. Over the past ten years, a shadow legal system has simultaneously failed
either to sanction campus predators, or to provide basic due process rights to students
and faculty accused of sexual misconduct. This failed regulatory regime is a result of the
2011 Dear Colleague Letter, guidance from the U.S. Department of Education that
expanded Title IX to address campus sexual misconduct, including both sexual
harassment and sexual assault.

The failure of the existing system to ensure due process for accused faculty and
students is well documented. A 2016 report from the American Association of University
Professors assailed campuses for “inadequate protections of due process and
academic governance.” (3) Open letters from 28 faculty members at Harvard Law School (4)
and 15 professors at the University of Pennsylvania Law School (5) have shared similar
concerns, as did Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in a 2016 interview by
The Atlantic. (6) When challenged in court, colleges and universities have suffered over
170 setbacks to students accused of sexual misconduct. (7)

Nor has the existing system proved successful in reducing campus sexual misconduct.
Data collected by the Association of American Universities indicate that reports of
sexual assault, whether by physical force or inability to consent due to intoxication,
actually increased between 2015 and 2019. Moreover, only 45 percent of campus
survivors said that school officials were “very” or “extremely likely” to take their
allegations seriously. (8) And most infamously, the serial abuser Larry Nassar was
allowed to remain in his position at Michigan State University after the school’s Title IX coordinator somehow concluded in 2014 that Nassar’s behavior was “medically appropriate.” (9)

The American Council on Education and the eighteen state attorneys general offer
specious arguments for blocking the new regulations. In their open letter, ACE contends
that, “at a time when institutional resources already are stretched thin, colleges and
universities should not be asked to divert precious resources away from more critical
efforts in order to implement regulations unrelated to this extraordinary crisis.” Yet
colleges and universities have known for eighteen months that the new regulations were
forthcoming. Moreover, COVID-19 means that school Title IX officers, directly
responsible for implementing the guidelines, have more free time than ever before. With
campuses shuttered and students sent home, opportunities for campus sexual
misconduct have plummeted. In short, this is the ideal time for the new regulations to be
implemented.

The new Department of Education regulations aren’t perfect, but they will establish
adjudication mechanisms that are much fairer to accused students, faculty, and staff. A
fairer system, in turn, will enjoy greater support and credibility among stakeholders. And
with any luck, this means fewer dangerous predators on campus. For all these reasons,
I urge you to withdraw your opposition to the new regulations.

Citations:

1. https://www.aau.edu/sites/default/files/AAU-Files/Key-Issues/Higher-Education-Regulation/Letter-ED-
delayt9s117-032420v2FINAL.pdf
2. https://files.constantcontact.com/bfcd0cef001/71385110-7632-4adc-a7ae-0f47bc4f6801.pdf
3. https://www.aaup.org/report/history-uses-and-abuses-title-ix
4. https://www.bostonglobe.com/opinion/2014/10/14/rethink-harvard-sexual-harassment-
policy/HFDDiZN7nU2UwuUuWMnqbM/story.html
5. http://media.philly.com/documents/OpenLetter.pdf
6. https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2018/02/ruth-bader-ginsburg-opens-up-about-metoo-voting-rights-
and-millenials/553409/
7. https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1CsFhy86oxh26SgTkTq9GV_BBrv5NAA5z9cv178Fjk3o/edit#gid=0
8. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/04/aau-climate-surveys-reveal-failure-of-campus-sexual-assault-policies/

9. https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2018/01/the-nassar-investigation-that-never-made-headlines/551717/

+++++++++++++++++++

State Attorneys General, Mailing Addresses 

JOSH SHAPIRO

Attorney General, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania

Office of the Attorney General

Strawberry Square

Harrisburg, PA 17120

 

XAVIER BACERRA

Attorney General, State of California

Office of the Attorney General

P.O. Box 944255

Sacramento, CA 94244-2550

 

PHILIP J. WEISER

Attorney General, State of Colorado

Office of the Attorney General

Colorado Department of Law

Ralph L. Carr Judicial Building

1300 Broadway, 10th Floor

Denver, CO 80203

 

WILLIAM TONG

Attorney General, State of Connecticut

Office of the Attorney General

165 Capitol Avenue

Hartford, CT 06106

 

KATHLEEN JENNINGS

Attorney General, State of Delaware

Delaware Department of Justice,

Office of the Attorney General

Carvel State Building

820 N. French St.

Wilmington, DE 19801

 

KARL A. RACINE

Attorney General, District of Columbia

Office of the Attorney General

441 4th Street, NW

Washington, DC 20001

 

CLARE E. CONNORS

Attorney General, State of Hawai‘i

Department of the Attorney General

425 Queen Street

Honolulu, HI 96813

 

BRIAN FROSH

Attorney General, State of Maryland

Office of the Attorney General

200 St. Paul Place

Baltimore, MD 21202

 

MAURA HEALEY

Attorney General, Commonwealth of Massachusetts

Office of the Attorney General

1 Ashburton Place, 20th Floor

Boston, MA 02108

 

DANA NESSEL

Attorney General, State of Michigan

Office of the Attorney General

  1. Mennen Williams Building

525 W. Ottawa Street

P.O. Box 30212

Lansing, MI 48909

 

KEITH ELLISON

Attorney General, State of Minnesota

Office of the Attorney General

445 Minnesota Street, Suite 1400

St. Paul, MN 55101

 

AARON D. FORD

Attorney General, State of Nevada

Office of the Attorney General

100 North Carson Street

Carson City, Nevada 89701-4717

 

HECTOR BALDERAS

Attorney General, State of New Mexico

Office of the Attorney General

408 Galisteo Street

Villagra Building

Santa Fe, NM 87501​

 

LETITIA JAMES

Attorney General, State of New York

Office of the Attorney General

The Capitol

Albany, NY 12224-0341

 

JOSHUA H. STEIN

Attorney General, State of North Carolina

Office of the Attorney General

114 West Edenton Street

Raleigh, NC 2760

 

PETER F. NERONHA

Attorney General, State of Rhode Island

Office of the Attorney General

150 South Main Street

Providence, RI 02903

 

THOMAS J. DONOVAN, JR.

Attorney General, State of Vermont

Office of the Attorney General

109 State St

Montpelier, VT 05609

 

MARK R. HERRING

Attorney General, Commonwealth of Virginia

Office of the Attorney General

202 North Ninth Street

Richmond, Virginia 23219

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Title IX

89 Percent of Colleges Reported Zero Incidents of Rape in 2015

American Association of University Women

May 10, 2017

2015 Clery Act Numbers

Newly updated data required by the Clery Act indicate that the annual statistics collected by colleges and universities still do not tell the full story of sexual violence on campus. Many studies have found that around 20 percent of women are targets of attempted or completed sexual assault while they are college students, but less well known is that more than one in five college women experiences physical abuse, sexual abuse, or threats of physical violence at the hands of an intimate partner. AAUW’s analysis of the 2015 Clery data revealed the following:

  • Eighty-nine percent of college campuses disclosed zero reported incidences of rape in 2015. With about 11,000 campuses providing annual crime data, an overwhelming majority of schools certified that in 2015 they did not receive a single report of rape.
  • For the second year, we have access to new data regarding dating violence, domestic violence, and stalking incidents on campuses nationwide. For 2015, about 9 percent of campuses disclosed a reported incident of domestic violence, around 10 percent disclosed a reported incident of dating violence, and about 13 percent of campuses disclosed a report incident of stalking. So in each of these categories as well, most campuses did not disclose any reported incidents in 2015.
  • Among the main or primary campuses of colleges and universities with enrollment of at least 250 students, 73 percent disclosed zero rape reports in 2015.
  • The 2016 numbers show that campuses that reported one type of sexual violence often disclosed reports of other types. This suggests that some schools have built the necessary systems to welcome and handle reports, support survivors, and disclose accurate statistics — and others have not.

NOTE: This article was originally posted at https://www.aauw.org/article/schools-still-underreporting-sexual-harassment-and-assault/ 

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Title IX

PR: Chaos on Campus: Lawmakers Seek Answers for Failure of Sexual Assault Policies

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

 Chaos on Campus: Lawmakers Seek Answers for Failure of Sexual Assault Policies

WASHINGTON / April 7, 2020 – Lawmakers are increasingly impatient over the failure of new campus policies to make a dent in the problem of sexual assault. The concerns have come into focus following release of an American Association of Universities report that contained troubling conclusions (1).

First, the AAU report revealed levels of sexual assault have increased in recent years:

“For the 21 schools that participated in both the 2015 and 2019 surveys, the rate of nonconsensual sexual contact by physical force or inability to consent increased from 2015 to 2019 by 3.0 percentage points (to 26.4 percent) for undergraduate women, 2.4 percentage points for graduate and professional women (to 10.8 percent) and 1.4 percentage points for undergraduate men (to 6.9 percent).” (2)

In short, sexual assaults became more common among undergraduate women, graduate women, and undergraduate men.

Also disappointing was the AAU finding that among sexual assault victims, only 45% reported school officials were “very likely” or “extremely likely” to take their report seriously. Consistent with that gloomy assessment, campus police were contacted in only 11.2% of sexual assault cases.

In 2017, SAVE published “Six-Year Experiment in Campus Jurisprudence Fails to Make the Grade,” which documented a five-fold increase in the number of Title IX complaints to the Office for Civil Rights following issuance of the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter (3). The report also detailed numerous incidents of mistreatment of identified victims by campus officials.

The following year, the American Association for University Women reported that 89% of American colleges had received zero reports of rape incidents in 2016 (4). This finding either means that campus rapes are far less common than claimed, or that victims do not view the campus tribunals to be helpful.

Serious shortcomings with campus sexual assault policies also have been documented for accused students (5), for faculty members (6), and by college administrators (7). Despite enormous expenditures of time and money, there is no evidence of benefit for campus policies that were put in place following release of the Department of Education’s policy on campus sexual violence in 2011.

Citations:

  1. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/04/aau-climate-surveys-reveal-failure-of-campus-sexual-assault-policies/
  2. https://www.aau.edu/newsroom/press-releases/aau-releases-2019-survey-sexual-assault-and-misconduct
  3. http://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/Six-Year-Experiment-Fails-to-Make-the-Grade.pdf
  4. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/04/89-percent-of-colleges-reported-zero-incidents-of-rape-in-2015-2/
  5. http://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/complaints-and-lawsuits/
  6. http://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/faculty-members/
  7. http://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/college-administrators/

Stop Abusive and Violent Environments is leading the national policy movement for fairness and due process on campus: www.saveservices.org

Categories
Campus Civil Rights Due Process False Allegations Press Release Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Victims

To Senators Murray, Warren and Gillibrand: Secretary DeVos CAN Multi-task

For over two years, U.S. Senators Patty Murray (D-WA), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) urged Secretary DeVos and the Department of Education to not create new Title IX regulations, fallaciously claiming victims will be further harmed.  The trio jumped on the crowded coronavirus excuse train, and now claim it is unacceptable for the Department to finalize a rule during the coronavirus outbreak.

The Senators urge DeVos  “not to release the final Title IX rule at this time and instead to focus on helping schools navigate the urgent issues arising from the COVID-19 pandemic that is top of the mind for all students and families.”  [1]

However, the Department’s accomplishments show on March 6, the Department promptly created a coronavirus information and resources website for school and school administrators [2].  Throughout the month they continued this focus on students with disabilities [3], provided student loan relief [4], and announced broad flexibilities for states to cancel testing [5]. There have been multiple task forces, webinars, and conference calls focused on helping schools navigate the urgent issues arising from the corona virus pandemic.

The Senator’s asking Secretary DeVos to suspend due process protections because of the coronavirus is irresponsible, impractical, and unfair to institutions, students and professors.

Ashe Schow, a reporter and columnist, appropriately pointed out in her commentary: “Three Democrat senators are using the coronavirus pandemic to urge Education Secretary Betsy DeVos to delay providing college students their constitutional rights to due process.” [6]

DeVos has shown competing priorities are possible to navigate and combat.  She is prioritizing the immediate needs, which include both navigating through this pandemic while ensuring students are given their due process rights.

As students and professors step onto their campuses in August, they will also be stepping into a more fair and equitable and safe environment than they stepped off in March.

Citations:

[1]https://www.help.senate.gov/ranking/newsroom/press/murray-warren-gillibrand-urge-secretary-devos-to-halt-title-ix-rule-focus-on-helping-schools-during-the-covid-19-crisis

[2]https://www.ed.gov/coronavirus?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[3]https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/secretary-devos-releases-new-resources-educators-local-leaders-k-12-flexibilities-student-privacy-and-educating-students-disabilities-during-coronavirus-outbreak?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[4] https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/delivering-president-trumps-promise-secretary-devos-suspends-federal-student-loan-payments-waives-interest-during-national-emergency?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[5] https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/helping-students-adversely-affected-school-closures-secretary-devos-announces-broad-flexibilities-states-cancel-testing-during-national-emergency?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[6] https://www.dailywire.com/news/three-democrats-use-coronavirus-to-demand-delaying-due-process-rights-for-college-students

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Title IX

AAU Climate Surveys Reveal Fiasco of Campus Sexual Assault Policies

“Climate surveys” of campus sexual assault have long been viewed as a strategy to track the effectiveness of campus policies to crack down on sexual assault and to alert campus officials to emerging problem areas. “Results from the individual universities reveal which institutions are handling sexual misconduct well and which are not,” explains SurvJustice director Katherine McGerald.

The best known climate surveys have been conducted by the Association of American Universities, a coalition of leading American universities. The AAU conducted its first survey in 2015, and again in 2019. The most important question, of course, is whether the surveys show a decline in sexual assault rates. These are the results, as recently reported by the AAU:

“For the 21 schools that participated in both the 2015 and 2019 surveys, the rate of nonconsensual sexual contact by physical force or inability to consent increased from 2015 to 2019 by 3.0 percentage points (to 26.4 percent) for undergraduate women, 2.4 percentage points for graduate and professional women (to 10.8 percent) and 1.4 percentage points for undergraduate men (to 6.9 percent).”

In short, sexual assaults increased for undergraduate women, graduate women, and undergraduate men. Despite enormous expenditures of time and money, the problem got worse over the four-year period.

Oddly, neither the AAU press release or subsequent media coverage mentioned this important fact.

Also disappointing was the finding that among sexual assault victims, only 45.0% said that school officials were “very” or “extremely likely” to take their report seriously. Consistent with that gloomy assessment, campus police were contacted in only 11.2% of sexual assault cases.

These dismal findings didn’t come as a total surprise to many.

In 2017, SAVE published, “Six-Year Experiment in Campus Jurisprudence Fails to Make the Grade,” which documented a five-fold increase in the number of Title IX complaints to the Office for Civil Rights following issuance of the  2011 Dear Colleague Letter. The report also detailed numerous incidents of mistreatment of identified victims by campus officials.

The following year, the American Association for University Women reported that 89% of American colleges had received zero reports of rape incidents in 2016. This surprising finding either means that campus rapes are far less common than claimed, or that victims do not see the campus tribunals as helpful.

Serious shortcomings with campus sexual policies also have been documented for accused students, for faculty members, and by college administrators. The problem is both procedural and strategic. For example, why aren’t colleges doing more to address the root causes of sexual assault, such as widespread alcohol abuse?

The OCR’s Dear Colleague Letter on sexual violence was issued on April 4, 2011. Nine years later, the policy’s controversial approach is viewed by a broad range of stakeholders as broken. The conclusion is evident: It’s time for a major overhaul.

Categories
#MeToo Campus Title IX

University Administrators Rack Up “Excuses” for Delaying New Title IX Regulations

“The dog ate my homework” is one of the oldest excuses students use to rationalize their delay in turning in an assignment.  The coronavirus pandemic is one of the newest excuses universities and others are using to request the Department of Education suspend the Title IX rule making process, which has been ongoing since November 2018.

Stop Abusive and Violent Environments (SAVE) calls on the Department of Education to swiftly proceed by releasing the new regulations, keeping with their stated goal of restoring due process in the handling of sexual harassment cases on college campuses.  Since the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter [1], universities have been handling campus sexual harassment investigations in a manner not fair or equitable to the accuser or the accused. The proposed new regulation allows for a meaningful hearing process, timely and adequate written notice, and access to evidence. [2]

In a letter to Secretary DeVos and others [3], the National Women’s Law Center (NWLC) lays out their argument for delaying the regulations.  The excuses listed actually give support why the regulations should be released now. Not later.  In their rampage, NWLC cites reasons, such as, reduced resources, ongoing stress, and remote working environments.  While these are true, they are also true for a university absent of a coronavirus pandemic.  With campuses devoid of most students until the Fall semester, the university campus is quieter than ever, and the administration has ample time to focus and implement the necessary steps to be compliant.

Buried in the letter, however, are two descriptive words most telling for why the NWLC actually wants the rules delayed: “Now is hardly the right time to push forward with this fundamentally flawed rule.”   So there we have it. It’s not because of the coronavirus, it’s because they don’t like and don’t want the due process rule. Period.

Students are given ample notice to complete their assignment and turn it in for a grade. Universities have had ample notice and time to prepare for the release of new rules enforcing Title IX on their campus.  No more excuses. Time’s up to restore due process on University campuses across the nation.

Citations:

[1] https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/letters/colleague-201104.html

[2]https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2018/11/29/2018-25314/nondiscrimination-on-the-basis-of-sex-in-education-programs-or-activities-receiving-federal

[3]https://nwlc-ciw49tixgw5lbab.stackpathdns.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/NWLC-Letter-to-ED-and-OMB-re-COVID-19-and-Title-IX-3.25.20.pdf

SAVE – Stop Abusive and Violent Environments — is leading the national policy movement for fairness, due process and the presumption of innocence. 

Categories
Campus Sexual Harassment Title IX

The Weaponization of Title IX at Oregon Health and Science University

My name is Buddy Ullman.  I am a retired Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology from The Oregon Health & Science University (OHSU) in Portland, Oregon.  As a faculty member at OHSU, I headed a research program in molecular parasitology for which I was continuously funded (for 34 years) by the National Institutes of Health.  I was also a major contributor to the medical education program for 29 years for which I was accorded 51 teaching awards and honors.  At OHSU, I was widely perceived as a faculty leader because of my vocal advocacy for aggrieved students and faculty and for my oppositional views to some of the academic policies in the School of Medicine.

This brought me into occasional conflict with some of the Associate Deans, particularly those in the medical education program.  Politically, I am a liberal democrat and an ardent supporter of Title IX.  I also had the misfortune of being a Title IX respondent, and, per full disclosure, am an enthusiastic advocate for DeVos’s proposed new Title IX guidelines, although I have a few concerns that I conveyed to the Department of Education using the Federal eRulemaking Portal.

My Title IX Experience

My Title IX ordeal involved five investigations over three years and resulted in the destruction of my professional career and job termination.  The details of these investigations are myriad, convoluted, and complex, and therefore, I only present the skeletal outline of the adversities that I faced.  There is documentation for everything that I assert, much of which is or was in possession of the Office for Civil Rights, Seattle Branch, in the Department of Education (OCR Reference No. 10152256).  The original purpose for these investigations was to deny me access to the educational programs of the university, which seems counterintuitive to Title IX’s purpose, but these multiple inquiries eventually morphed into a mechanism to destroy my very successful, externally funded research career and to fire me.

The seminal and initial investigation for which I was respondent was a sexual harassment complaint that was launched on May 16th, 2014 by the Associate Dean of Undergraduate Medical Education, ostensibly on behalf of a first-year female medical student who had failed the medical school course that I directed and, therefore, faced a remediation examination and potential expulsion from the medical school program and who, like the Associate Dean, had ample motive to retaliate against me.  The student had falsely claimed in an email to the Associate Dean written earlier on May 16th, 2014 that I had kissed her on the forehead in my office, an expanded definition of sexual harassment to say the least, and that I had made a harassing and “pseudo-predatory” comment on a Facebook photo in which she was not pictured.  The alleged kiss was a fabrication, and the Facebook comment, although warm and affectionate as many Facebook posts are, was neither lascivious nor of a sexual nature.

The student was named the complainant by a civil rights investigator in OHSU’s Affirmative Action and Equal Opportunity (AAEO) Office although she was not involved in the genesis of the AAEO complaint, i.e., this was a third-party endeavor.  By the next business day, the Associate Dean’s administrative superior, the Senior Associate Dean of Education, had weighed in and expanded the scope of the investigation, and multiple emails in my possession substantiate collusion between the Dean’s and AAEO Offices at the inception of the investigation.

I first learned about the existence of the complaint on August 14th, 2014, three months after the investigation had been initiated.  I was not informed of the specifics of the allegations at that time (or throughout the investigation, see below).  I met with the investigator for 90 minutes on September 5th, 2014, the same date that the investigation was closed (without my knowledge).  When I met with the investigator, I was, obviously, completely unprepared, and she harangued me with salacious questions and seethed with hostility.  As an aside, the sexual harassment complaint was considered by the AAEO Office, not the Title IX Office, as there was no Title IX Office at OHSU in 2014.

Below I describe the salient features of this investigation:

  • Per the previous paragraph, the complaint was initiated by a third-party surrogate.
  • There was no formal or written complaint. I did request to view the formal complaint multiple times and was not told that there was no formal complaint.
  • The scope of the complaint shifted throughout the investigation.
  • I was not permitted to have any knowledge of the allegations against me. This precluded any possibility of a realistic defense.  I only learned of the nature of the specific charges ten months after the case against me was closed.
  • Related to the previous point, not only did I not know the nature of the accusations, but the specific complaints weren’t even discussed in my presence.
  • I was not allowed to know the identities of the named complainant or the witnesses, e.g., the Associate Deans, because they wanted to make their (false) accusations under anonymity for understandable reasons and also because I would have immediately recognized the predatory and retaliatory nature of the Associate Deans’ involvement and the retaliatory intention of the student complainant’s allegations. I also only learned the names of the complainant(s) and the witnesses ten months after the case was concluded.
  • I was not given any opportunity to present evidence on my behalf, while the complainants were given four months to collect and submit evidence. The preponderance of evidence standard for substantiating any claim against me was, therefore, simplified since all the evidence considered was provided by the complainant side.
  • I was not offered an occasion to bring forth witnesses of which I would have had thousands. The complainant side had four witnesses: the two Associate Deans and the complainant’s two best friends/housemates, each of whom had come up with their own allegations, one preposterous, one untruthful.
  • Witness testimony was taken over the telephone, precluding any assessment of witness demeanor.
  • All exculpatory evidence collected by the AAEO investigator was withheld from me.
  • The presumed inculpatory evidence that was shown to me was did not involve wrongdoing and was, without exception, absurd.
  • The Closure Memo, effectively the investigative report, that summarized the investigator’s findings and ultimately informed the investigator’s conclusions was not afforded to me for analysis. I only became aware of the Closure Memo’s existence ten months after the case against me was concluded, and it was replete with falsehoods, fabrications, distortions, exaggerations, and mistakes and lacked context throughout.  There was no opportunity afforded to rebut The Closure Memo.
  • I was not informed in a timely matter about any aspect of the investigation against me. Every step of the investigation took me by surprise.
  • I was muzzled throughout the proceedings (and presumably afterwards). This gag order (or orders) prevented me from recruiting witnesses, getting help within the institution, and organizing a defense.
  • I was continually threatened with job loss throughout the process. This was intimidating to say the least.
  • The outcome of the so-called “investigation” was, obviously, predetermined and not evidence-based.

I received a summary of the investigator’s findings, designated the Letter of Closure (different from the Closure Memo) on November 25, 2014.  The Letter of Closure was farcical and suffered from all the failings of the Closure Memo (see point 12 above).  The investigator, who fundamentally functioned as a prosecutor, concluded that I had engaged in sexual harassment of female medical students (apparently for the entire 29 years during which I taught).  This was the first time, six months after the case against me had been instigated, that I had any inkling that my case was even about sexual harassment.

This revelation was flabbergasting since there had never been any sexual harassment, and categorically no behavior of a sexual nature on my part while a member of the OHSU for 32 years.  The investigator also found that I had engaged in gender discrimination and inappropriate, unprofessional, and disrespectful behavior toward female medical students in order to ensure that I had been found in violation of almost every single institutional policy that supports Title IX including the institutional Code of Conduct, which I apparently violated multiple times with abandon.  There was also no gender discrimination and no inappropriate, unprofessional, or disrespectful behavior toward female medical students, or for that matter toward anybody else.

The Dean of the School of Medicine, stated in his Letter of Caution to me, also dated November 25, 2014, that I had “violated OHSU’s Code of Conduct (Section G), the Equal Opportunity Policy (No. 03-05-030), and the Sexual Harassment Policy (No. 03-05-035) through unwelcome hugging, wrist-grabbing, as well as cheek and forehead kissing of female students.”  There was no unwelcome hugging, wrist-grabbing, cheek kissing, or forehead kissing of female students, however, and these conclusions were all news to me because no unwelcome behaviors were ever alleged in my presence during the investigation.  All the conclusions by the AAEO investigator and Dean were made-up.  I was, of course, punished, and there was never any effort on the part of the institution to stop, interfere with, or modify any of my behavior, as outlined by institutional policies and federal statute.

The investigation was a sham, neither fair, impartial, nor reliable, and it was most certainly not well-intentioned.  Not only had the investigator functioned as a prosecutor throughout the inquiry, but she also served the roles of detective, plaintiff (it was she who made the sexual harassment accusation), judge, jury, and executioner.  Because I was innocent of all “transgressions” (there is not one iota of truth to any of the investigator’s or Dean’s conclusions), I believe that the administration, acting maliciously, basically hijacked Title IX in order to retaliate against me for my activities and views that the administration didn’t like.  The assortment of shortcomings in the AAEO investigation that I identified above was not an accident.  Title IX was employed as a weapon, a strategic one that the Dean’s Office later employed to clobber other faculty.

Devos’ new proposed guidelines for Title IX enforcement on college/university campuses address every single one of the investigative shortcomings in my case, and, as I mentioned in the first paragraph, I support the DeVos regulations with enthusiasm, although with a few caveats.  The new regulations do not, however, address the intrinsic competence and integrity of the investigators nor the ability of “bad actors” to endeavor to manipulate the outcome of Title IX proceedings.

My subsequent request for an appeal was denied, but I was granted an internal grievance procedure that was distorted almost beyond recognition and stage-managed by OHSU’s general counsel, a person who also had a prominent role in the original AAEO investigation described above.  The grievance panel concluded that due process considerations had not been violated because I could have presented a defense after my case was closed (to whom?!?!) and that I didn’t need to have been informed about the specifics of the allegations because I should have been able to figure them out by the line of questioning, even though the alleged misconduct never occurred!!

I then appealed to the Office for Civil Rights (OCR), Seattle branch.  The OCR took the case, investigated OHSU’s AAEO office, and apparently compelled substantial changes (the AAEO Director was subsequently fired), but concluded that OHSU had adhered sufficiently to the Obama-era Title IX guidelines and thus, took no further action on my OCR complaint.  The OCR decision was terribly disappointing and left me exposed to retribution, which was forthcoming.

Once the OCR had completed its review of OHSU’s AAEO Office and Title IX compliance, the administration, blasting through any OCR whistleblower protections, retaliated against me repeatedly.  The administration filed at least five more frivolous charges against me, most of which were Title IX related but on which the Title IX Office punted (this is called deliberate indifference), and launched two new sham investigations, the fourth and fifth overall, for which the outcomes were, predictably, preordained.  The first of these latter two investigations concluded that I violated the institutional Code of Conduct in multiple ways because, according to the investigator, I used the word “Yuck” in an email to a colleague/friend, while the second resolved that I had engaged in retaliation, which I most certainly did not.

The administration continued to retaliate me in other ways as well.  I was banished from the medical school classroom on three separate occasions, thereby denying me access to the institution’s educational activities, made the subject of a nasty, disparaging email sent by the aforementioned Associate Deans to the entire medical student body in response to a satirical vignette that I was asked to give at the Medical Student Follies, and then placed on administrative leave, exiled from campus although I was no safety threat to anybody, and had my email disabled and my access to my work computer switched off.  These actions effectively terminated my 47-year career in biomedical research.

Furthermore, when the Dean of the School of Medicine and the Vice President of Human Resources placed me on administrative leave and deported me from campus, not only did they not tell me why (I asked) but they told me that they themselves didn’t even know all the reasons why!!  I was fired several months later, while on administrative leave, after the last (and fifth) investigation against me concluded.  I am now retired and hope, through my experience, that I can bring some wisdom to the Title IX guideline debate and to other Title IX victims.

I refrained from a lawsuit for a myriad of reasons.  First, I am not litigious and don’t crave money.  Second, I am 69 years old and was close to retirement anyway and didn’t want to be at the university any longer because of the way I was (mis)treated.  Third, I signed a termination agreement, clearly under duress, that would provide me with a salary equivalent and insurance for another nine months if I promised not to sue them.  Fourth, I already had had two expensive lawyers:  the first whom I hired for the first investigation was unhelpful and wanted me to roll over and play dead; and the second whom I consulted during the fifth investigation and who really gave appropriate advice and thought it would be best for me to retire and not go through yet another investigation.  Fifth, I am a pensioner on a fixed income, and I would be taking on a ~$3,000,000,000 corrupt organization with effectively unlimited resources.  Sixth, OHSU would have fought me tooth and nail since the entire administration all the way up to the top of the university was locked in on me and would have been implicated in wrongdoing.  And finally, I was exhausted.  After three years of continuous harassment and discrimination by OHSU administrators, no way to achieve justice internally, and concerning blood pressure measurements, continuing as a faculty member at OHSU was untenable.

I am very happy to be gone and healthy again.

Categories
Campus

Overcoming a Climate of Fear on Campus: SAVE Statement on the Coronavirus Threat

On November 17, the first case of coronavirus was reported in Wuhan, China. The virus began to spread in China and then internationally. A mere four months later, most college campuses in the United States are physically closed. Many states have shut down non-essential businesses. Americans are fearful for their own health, the well-being of their family members, and the state of the economy.

Through all of this, SAVE continues to push forward to end campus “Kangaroo Courts” and to restore fairness and due process.  We cannot dissipate the momentum that we have all worked so hard to achieve.

The current untenable situation can be traced back to 2011 when the Department of Education issued its unlawful “Dear Colleague Letter” on campus violence. Campus activists used the new policy to marginalize the criminal justice system and to impose a new regimen of “Peoples’ Justice” that lacked the rudiments of fairness, both to complainants and the accused.

As a result, female students, caught up in a growing moral panic, feared that they would become victims of sexual assault. Male students became fearful of being falsely accused and expelled. Faculty became fearful that a stray comment would be misconstrued as “sexual harassment,” curtailing their career opportunities. College attorneys worried about the expanding climate of litigiousness. And administrators feared loss of federal funding.

Seeking to stop this cycle of fear, the Department of Education rescinded the Dear Colleague Letter and issued proposed new regulations, which are expected to be finalized soon. In response, SAVE is developing a detailed plan to support the implementation of new regulations, including media, legislative, outreach, and regulatory compliance efforts.

SAVE is confident that we will succeed in overcoming fear, both on college campuses and in ending the coronavirus threat. Our best wishes are with you during these uncertain times. We are grateful for your continuing support.

Sincerely,

Ed

E. Everett Bartlett, PhD

President

SAVE: Stop Abusive and Violent Environments

P.O. Box 1221

Rockville, MD 20849

T: 301-801-0608

www.saveservices.org