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Public University Stops Banning Males From Federally Funded Program to Resolve Federal Investigation

Allowed to avoid admitting guilt for violating Title IX

 

The University of Central Oklahoma received nearly $831,000 in federal taxpayer dollars to run a computer and STEM camp for high schoolers that violated Title IX.

Following a complaint by University of Michigan-Flint economist Mark Perry, whose side gig is challenging educational programs that exclude disfavored groups (usually males and whites), the program is nominally accepting all students, not just girls.

Also a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, Perry wrote on his blog Monday that the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights informed him of the resolution at UCO.

By his count, 27 of his 231 complaints have been resolved “in my favor,” with more than 80 still under investigation by OCR. He expects all of them to end in his favor too, “given the clarity” of Title IX “and the clear violations” by colleges.

Originally described as a “Computer Forensics Program & an Education-Career Pathway for Girls,” according to its National Science Foundation grant page, the program repeatedly emphasized that it was only for girls. Perry said the university’s website for the program just recently removed application language that explicitly said the program is “unavailable for male students.”

An image of the original page with the word “Girls” in the title and description is still available from its website, though the application page that explicitly excludes male students does not appear to be cached anywhere The College Fix could find. The illegal program was funded by corporate sponsors and partners including Apple, IBM, Inciter, CGI and Stelar.

Perry said he learned about the program through the parents of a high school boy who wanted to apply but saw the no-males language on the application page. The economist filed the complaint under his own name – as he always does – to protect their anonymity.

The taxpayer-funded university has removed all sex-specific language from the content of the website, though it still only shows girls and its domain is still ComputerAcademyforGirls.com. Perry said OCR told him the federal office is “still in the monitoring stage” for the university to comply with the “Voluntary Resolution Agreement,” which requires UCO to “eliminate any suggestion” that the program is “for a single sex.”

Perry noted that UCO President Patti Neuhold-Ravikumar herself signed the agreement, which “seems to be an indication of the seriousness of violating federal civil rights laws.” (He posted images of the two-page print agreement, dated Sept. 30.)

As with other OCR resolutions, however, UCO was allowed to avoid admitting guilt and it won’t face any financial penalties, he continued:

Perhaps that’s why so many universities knowingly violate Title IX — the worst-case scenario is that they get caught like UCO, make the necessary corrections to their Title IX violations so that they don’t jeopardize their federal funding, but without any serious consequences and without actually even having to admit to the violation!??

The economist also denounced the National Science Foundation for funding “hundreds” of programs that exclude males at colleges, including the College of William and Mary and University of Wisconsin System:

And most of the time, hundreds of violations of Title IX like UCO’s go undetected and unreported, often because those who are aware of the violations are unwilling to complain or report the violation, out of fear of retaliation, to the university’s Title IX office or the Office for Civil Rights.

Perry said OCR has notified him of five more investigations opened into his complaints in the past month, against the University of Virginia, Florida Gulf Coast University, University of South Alabama, Youngstown State University and University of Maryland. All are offering programs reserved for females.

UVA’s program is one of “several dozen” programs for “female leadership/entrepreneurship/negotiation” that illegally exclude men, he said, naming 20 other colleges with such programs against which he has filed complaints.

Source: https://www.thecollegefix.com/public-university-stops-banning-males-from-federally-funded-program-to-resolve-federal-investigation/

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Civil Rights Law & Justice Legal Title IX Uncategorized

Court Rules University of Colorado-Boulder May Have Violated Student’s Due Process Rights

The University of Colorado-Boulder’s (CU) refusal to allow “live adversarial questioning” in a sexual misconduct proceeding may violate an expelled student’s due process rights, a federal judge ruled last week.

Colorado District Court previously denied summary judgment to CU Boulder on multiple due process grounds: (1) Propriety of single-investigator model, (2) lack of hearing, (3) lack of cross-examination, and (4) withholding information.

The taxpayer-funded university will have to explain to U.S. District Judge William Martinez at a December bench trial why it didn’t give Girolamo Messeri, an Italian student, “a hearing before a neutral arbitrator” in his Title IX case.

On single-investigator model and right to hearing, the court notes: Requiring a hearing before a neutral arbitrator would also reduce the risk of error….providing a fresh perspective on any credibility determinations and decrease the likelihood that a party would be erroneously found responsible. It continues, “A reasonable fact-finder could thus find that the University’s failure to provide (student) a hearing before a neutral arbitrator violated his procedural due process.

Judge Martinez stated CU violated the student’s due process by not allowing cross-examination of his accuser and witnesses.

In his decision, the judge gave a remarkably blunt conclusion on cross-examination: The Supreme Court has stated that “cross-examination is the principal means by which the believability of a witness and the truth of his testimony are tested.”

He continued: This is a classic ‘he said, she said’ case that turns almost entirely on witness credibility. Without live adversarial questioning, Plaintiff cannot probe the witnesses’ stories to test their memories or potential ulterior motives, or to observe the witnesses’ demeanor. Plaintiff has a substantial interest in avoiding expulsion and continuing his education. The university’s interest in limiting procedural safeguards relating to student’s hearing rights are less evident. Although the University correctly points out that it has an interest in avoiding ‘converting its classrooms to courtrooms’ to referee cross-examination amongst students and their representatives, this interest truly pales in comparison to the risk of error which may result in the wrongful expulsion of a student.

The judge was also stunned by the University’s excuse for hiding the identity of a key witness. CU-Boulder simply claimed that constitutional due process does not promise accused students “every piece of evidence they desire,” and it cited an irrelevant appeals court decision from a case where opposing witnesses openly testified. Martinez disagreed with the University. Since the witness known as “W1” didn’t testify in front of Messeri, he was “effectively deprived of an opportunity to discover any inconsistencies…that were not plainly evident” in the evidence summary given to Messeri. The judge concluded: “Disclosure of key witnesses’ names provides a minimal burden on the University. The probative value of the information and risk of erroneous deprivation, however, is potentially substantial.”

The next step in the litigation is a trial preparation conference scheduled for Nov. 13. The December bench trial will not include the student’s gender-bias claim, which was previously rejected by Martinez.

The university expelled Messeri in December 2016 after finding that he forced a female who was not a student at CU to perform oral sex on him in September. She did not notify CU Boulder administrators of her allegations, but rather reported Messeri to campus police, who interviewed “Jane Doe” three times over six weeks and Messeri once. While Messeri was charged with sexual assault, the Boulder District Attorney’s Office dismissed the case because “it did not believe it could get a guilty verdict at trial.”

Messeri is seeking both damages and erasure of his expulsion from his transcript.

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Civil Rights Department of Justice Due Process Law & Justice Legal Sexual Assault Title IX

Amy Coney Barrett Could Change Campus Sexual Assault Rules Forever

Amy Coney Barrett, President Donald Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, could have a huge impact on how campus sexual assault cases are handled if appointed to the nation’s highest court.

Experts told Newsweek how Barrett’s appointment could affect Title IX after she wrote an appellate decision last year that made it easier for students accused of committing campus sexual assaults to challenge their university’s handling of the cases.

Title IX is the landmark civil rights law passed as part of the Education Amendments of 1972, aimed at protecting students from discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal financial assistance.

A spokesperson for the University of Notre Dame, where Barrett is on the faculty, directed inquiries to the White House.

In a statement, a White House spokesperson said: “In Doe v. Purdue, Judge Barrett understood the importance of fair procedures for campus sexual misconduct proceedings and that Title IX protects both men and women from sex discrimination in such proceedings. In addition, Judge Barrett’s approach has been favorably cited by the Third, Sixth, and Eighth circuits.”

Barrett’s decision in Purdue University case

Last year, Barrett wrote an influential unanimous three-judge panel decision in the case of John Doe v. Purdue University for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit—a case involving students, identified only as Jane and John Doe, at the university in West Lafayette, Indiana.

Jane alleged her boyfriend had sexually assaulted her on two occasions in November 2015. John later filed a federal lawsuit against the university, arguing it had used constitutionally flawed procedures to determine his guilt. He also claimed the school had violated Title IX when it expelled him and took away his Navy ROTC scholarship.

In her decision, Barrett concluded Purdue’s process had been unfair and that the university may have discriminated against John based on his sex.

According to a summary of the case in the ruling, based on John’s account, Jane and John had been students in Purdue’s Navy ROTC program when they started dating in the fall of 2015. They had consensual sex between 15 and 20 times between October and December that year.

In December, Jane attempted suicide in front of John and they stopped dating after he later reported the attempt to the university. A few months later, during the university’s Sexual Assault Awareness Month, Jane accused John of sexually assaulting her on two occasions.

She alleged that she had been sleeping with John in his room in November 2015 when she woke to him groping her over her clothes without her consent. She said she had told him it was not okay.

Jane also alleged that John then confessed he had digitally penetrated her while the two were sleeping in Jane’s room earlier that month. John denied all of Jane’s allegations.

She never filed a formal complaint or testified about the alleged assaults, but the university pursued the case on her behalf, according to Barrett’s decision.

“The case against him boiled down to a ‘he said/she said’—Purdue had to decide whether to believe John or Jane,” Barrett wrote.

Barrett criticized Katherine Sermersheim, the university’s dean of students and Title IX co-ordinator, who allegedly sided with Jane without speaking to her. “It is plausible that Sermersheim and her advisors chose to believe Jane because she is a woman and to disbelieve John because he is a man,” Barrett wrote.

She added: “Sermersheim’s explanation for her decision (offered only after her supervisor required her to give a reason) was a cursory statement that she found Jane credible and John not credible.

“Her basis for believing Jane is perplexing, given that she never talked to Jane. Indeed, Jane did not even submit a statement in her own words.”

Barrett also cited the university’s alleged mistakes in the handling of the case, saying John was not allowed to view the investigators’ report and had been handed a redacted version only moments before his disciplinary hearing.

According to Barrett’s ruling, John learned that it falsely claimed he had confessed to Jane’s allegations and did not mention that John had reported Jane’s suicide attempt to the university.

“Two members of the panel candidly stated that they had not read the investigative report,” Barrett wrote. “The one who apparently had read it asked John accusatory questions that assumed his guilt. Because John had not seen the evidence, he could not address it. He reiterated his innocence and told the panel about some of the friendly texts that Jane had sent him after the alleged assaults.”

Jane did not appear before the disciplinary panel or submit a written statement, the decision said. Instead, a written summary of her allegations was submitted by the Center for Advocacy, Response, and Education (CARE), a campus group dedicated to supporting victims of sexual violence.

The group posted an article from The Washington Post titled “Alcohol isn’t the cause of campus sexual assault. Men are” on Facebook the same month John was disciplined, Barrett wrote in the ruling.

The university’s disciplinary panel also did not allow John to present witnesses, Barrett wrote, which included a male roommate who was reportedly in the room at the time of the alleged assault and disputed Jane’s account.

Barrett concluded the university’s process “fell short of what even a high school must provide to a student facing a days-long suspension.”

“John received notice of Jane’s allegations and denied them, but Purdue did not disclose its evidence to John. And withholding the evidence on which it relied in adjudicating his guilt was itself sufficient to render the process fundamentally unfair,” she wrote.

“It is particularly concerning that Sermersheim and the committee concluded that Jane was the more credible witness—in fact, that she was credible at all—without ever speaking to her in person.”

Barrett also said that John’s claims of sex discrimination were bolstered by the pressure put on schools and university by the Obama administration to tackle sexual assault and harassment on campus.

Because the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights had opened two investigations into Purdue in 2016, the pressure on the university to demonstrate compliance “was far from abstract,” Barrett wrote. “That pressure may have been particularly acute for Sermersheim, who, as a Title IX coordinator, bore some responsibility for Purdue’s compliance.”

The lawsuit remains unresolved and John still needs to prove he was discriminated on the basis of his sex to win his Title IX claim before a jury.

How Barrett’s decision could change campus sexual assault rules

Andrew Miltenberg, an attorney representing John, told Newsweek that Barrett’s ruling “set a standard by which [schools] have to hold themselves during an investigation.”

He added that it “not only recognized that there are procedural due process issues, which have to be preserved for someone accused, regardless of what they’re accused of but it also accepted the fact that it’s possible that, whether it’s an investigator, a hearing officer, or a campus culture, there can be bias within the system based on gender and based on a male being the accused.”

Miltenberg added: “We’re not at the point where a judge can decide whether we have enough evidence to win the case, that’s what the discovery process is for, but we are at a point for a judge to recognize that there is a basis for these allegations.”

According to The Washington Post, Purdue University filed a counterclaim in June asking the court to declare Doe’s misconduct violated university policy and that the university was acting within its rights when it suspended him.

Tim Doty, a spokesman for the university, said in a statement to Newsweek: “While Purdue believes in its process and decision-making, we recognize the appellate court was bound by legal procedure to accept each of John Doe’s allegations as true and did not have the benefit of a full evidentiary record when it decided the case.

“That evidentiary record is currently being developed in the district court, and the university looks forward to the opportunity to present its full defense of this matter at the appropriate time and in the appropriate venue.”

Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s views on Title IX

The late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who Barrett would be replacing if confirmed, has spoken about due process for those accused of sexual misconduct—and said she believed criticism of some college codes of conduct on the matter was valid.

“The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that,” Ginsburg told The Atlantic in 2018.

“Recognizing that these are complaints that should be heard. There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

Asked about how to balance due process with the need for increased gender equality, Ginsburg replied: “It’s not one or the other. It’s both. We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally.”

Brett Sokolow, a consultant who advises schools and universities on compliance with Title IX, says Barrett’s opinion in Purdue would make it easier for accused students to bring civil litigation against universities.

“If an erroneous outcome case makes it to the Supreme Court, Barrett as the author of Doe v. Purdue University, would be a likely vote in favor of the “plausible inference” standard,” he told Newsweek.

“Setting up the kind of circuit split the Supreme Court likes to referee, other circuits seem to follow a pleading standard that makes it harder for a respondent in a campus sexual assault case to prove the outcome of the campus case was infected with sex bias.

“Barrett’s lowering of that standard in Purdue, if adopted by the Supreme Court, would make it much easier for respondents to sue and move their cases forward through motions to dismiss and perhaps summary judgment. They still have to prove sex bias at trial, but Barrett’s opinion in Purdue greatly simplifies the ways that respondents can prove disparate treatment under Title IX.”

“Drastically rolls back protections for student survivors”

Sokolow noted that Barrett’s appointment to the Supreme Court could also significantly affect Title IX in other ways.

He said Kollaritsch v. Michigan State University Board of Trustees is likely headed to the Supreme Court. “This case is fundamental to the future of Title IX, and will decide whether post-harassment or assault is required for deliberate indifference liability under Title IX,” he explained.

“The key question is once sexual harassment and/or assault takes place, and a school is deliberately indifferent to it, does it have to lead to a second act of sexual harassment or assault for liability to result? Barrett would be a likely “yes” vote in a decision that would significantly narrow the Court’s previous precedent in Davis v. Monroe County.”

The Supreme Court’s ruling in that case held that schools may be liable under Title IX if their response to a known act of student-on-student sexual harassment was “deliberately indifferent.”

Emily Martin, the vice president of education and workplace justice at National Women’s Law Center, told Newsweek that it was “deeply troubling” that a school’s commitment to taking sexual misconduct seriously had been suggested by Barrett as evidence of bias against men in the Purdue case.

“It’s a deeply troubling prospect that an icon of gender equality like Justice Ginsburg could be replaced with a judge who is eager to use sex discrimination laws in order to attack efforts to forward gender equality,” she said.

“It is no surprise the same administration that is doing everything it can to silence student survivors would put forward a nominee who goes out of her way to endorse this backwards and harmful view of Title IX.”

Martin’s was referring to changes to the Department of Education’s Title IX rules by Secretary Betsy DeVos that give a number of protections to those accused of sexual assault on college campuses, which came into effect in August.

They new guidelines narrow the definition of what can be deemed sexual harassment and require in-person cross-examinations between alleged perpetrators and their accusers.

Know Your IX, a political advocacy group, said the move “drastically rolls back protections for student survivors and makes it easier for schools to sweep sexual harassment under the rug.”

K.C. Johnson, a history professor at Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center described Barrett’s decision in the Purdue case as the “single most consequential ruling in the area.” He told the Post that it had set a fair, simplified standard that has since been adopted by other circuit courts covering 22 states as well as the federal district court in Washington, D.C.

But Alexandra Brodsky, a staff attorney at Public Justice, a nonprofit legal advocacy organization, told Newsweek: “If Judge Barrett’s approach in Doe v. Purdue were to become the law of the land, though, schools and civil rights agencies would be in a terrible bind:

“By her logic, any efforts to enforce the rights of survivors and other marginalized people are evidence of bias against men and other dominant groups. That is wrong as a matter of law and reality. Students of all genders—men included—benefit when schools respect victims’ rights under Title IX.”

In a recent blog post, Brodsky wrote that Barrett’s opinion in John Doe v. Purdue University was “troubling” because the ruling “turned a sex discrimination statute on its head, using a law meant to prevent and address sexual assault to promote impunity for that very same behavior.”

She said while Barrett’s decision on due process in the case may “may well have been right,” the ruling on the Title IX claim is not only wrong, but “disturbing.”

“Even by Doe’s own account, there was no evidence the school had suspended him because of his sex, as required to state a claim under Title IX,” according to Brodsky.

One of the most disturbing aspects of Barrett’s decision is that “it treats the Department of Education’s efforts to enforce survivors’ Title IX rights as evidence of anti-male bias,” she said.

“Yet Judge Barrett relied on evidence that the school was trying to do right by survivors as evidence that it discriminated against men specifically. That will discourage schools from meaningfully addressing sexual violence, since doing so may—according to Purdue’s funhouse mirror vision of Title IX—justify a suspended student’s suit.”

She said, by Purdue’s logic, any attempt to combat discrimination “will instead serve to protect people who discriminate from consequences for their actions—consequences that may be necessary to root out injustice.”

This article has been updated with a statement from a White House spokesperson.

https://www.newsweek.com/amy-coney-barrett-appointment-campus-sex-assault-1534575

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Civil Rights Department of Education Department of Justice Due Process False Allegations Investigations Legal Office for Civil Rights Sexual Assault Title IX

Ruth Bader Ginsburg Agreed With Amy Coney Barrett That Campus Kangaroo Courts Were a Problem

Federal appeals court Judge Amy Coney Barrett and the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg agreed Title IX code of conduct trials were flawed.

by Jon Miltimore

In 2018, following the nomination of Brett M. Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, President Trump tipped his hand about who he’d be inclined to choose if given the opportunity to fill another vacancy on the high court.

That person, the New York Times observed, was Judge Amy Coney Barrett, a conservative law professor whom Trump tapped for a federal appeals court in 2017.

A week ago, it appeared the chances of Trump filling another Court vacancy in his first term were slim. However, the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died September 18 during her 27th year on the high court just six weeks before the presidential election, means Trump will get the opportunity to send another nomination to the Republican-controlled Senate.

Some sources claim Barrett still has the edge to win the nomination, though Cuban-American federal appellate judge Barbara Lagoa is also generating buzz.

As the Brett Kavanaugh nomination and previous hearings have shown, Supreme Court battles can be nasty, even nastier than typical political battles. There’s little reason to expect the filling of Ginsburg’s seat to be any different—even if it wasn’t coming just weeks before a presidential election—so it’s no surprise to see that news media are already dissecting Barrett’s court opinions.

Just 48 hours after Ginsburg’s death, the Washington Post ran an article on Barrett’s opinion in Doe v. Purdue University, a Title IX—the rule prohibiting sex-discrimination in public education —case involving a Purdue student (John Doe) who was suspended by the university after being accused of sexual assault by a former girlfriend (Jane Doe).

According to John Doe, as described by a court summary of the case, the couple met in Purdue’s Navy ROTC program and started dating in the fall of 2015. They soon began a sexual relationship. In December, Jane attempted to take her own life in front of John. He reported the attempt to the school, and the couple ceased dating.

“A few months later, Jane alleged that in November 2015, while they were sleeping together in his room, she awoke to John groping her over her clothes without consent,” the Washington Post reports. “Jane said she objected and that John told her he had penetrated her with his finger while they were sleeping together earlier that month. John denied the allegations and produced friendly texts from Jane after the alleged November incident.”

These are serious charges that demand a serious appraisal of the facts and due process. But like plaintiffs in Title IX cases—some 600 lawsuits have been filed against universities since Barack Obama’s Education Department issued its “Dear Colleague” letter to schools warning them they’d lose federal funding if they didn’t prioritize complaints of sexual assault—John Doe encountered something else.

Court documents show the hearing resembled a show trial, including a false confession, that resulted in a year-long suspension of John Doe that cost him a spot in the ROTC program.

“Among the university’s alleged missteps cited by the court: John Doe received a redacted copy of investigators’ report on his case only moments before his disciplinary hearing. He discovered that the document did not mention that he had reported Jane’s suicide attempt and falsely asserted that he had confessed to Jane’s allegations,” the Post reports. “Jane Doe did not appear before the university panel that reviewed the investigation; instead, a written summary of her allegations was submitted by a campus group that advocates for victims of sexual violence.”

All of this fits the pattern of the kangaroo courts universities established after the Dear Colleague letter. As Reason has spent the last several years documenting, these cases tend to presume individuals guilty until proven innocent, while depriving them of the due process necessary to prove their innocence.

Barrett is hardly alone in her jurisprudence regarding the importance of due process. As the Post concedes, campus kangaroo courts were widely criticized by civil libertarians across the political divide.

“Judges of all stripes around the country have been concerned with fairness in these proceedings,” said Nancy Gertner, a Harvard Law School professor and retired federal judge appointed by President Clinton.

It was these concerns that prompted US Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos to issue new rules to Title IX hearings in April that strengthened the rights of those accused of sexual misconduct, including the right to cross-examine accusers and preventing investigators from also serving as case judges. (Former Vice President Joe Biden has said he’d reverse Devos’s ruling if elected president, which prompted some to point out that Biden, who like the current president stands accused of sexual assault, would be guilty under the current standard.)

Few would argue that protecting the rights of sexual assault victims is important, but it’s worth noting that among the critics of the previous standard was Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

The Post admits the “feminist icon, surprised some victim’s advocates in a 2018 interview with the Atlantic magazine” when she said many of the criticisms of college codes were legitimate.

“The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that,” Ginsburg said. “There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

Ginsburg is correct that due process and a fair hearing for the accused are fundamental principles of the American system. Yet hundreds of individuals who believe they were denied fair hearings and are seeking redress from universities have found the path difficult due to legal technicalities.

Plaintiffs tend to claim their rights were violated in two ways: 1) the unveristiy violated the plaintiff’s right to due process; 2) the school discriminated against the plaintiff on the basis of sex, violating Title IX.

Prior to Purdue vs. Doe, the Post reports, courts often upheld accused student claims of due process violations “but rejected their Title IX arguments on the grounds that the students had failed a complicated series of legal tests first established in 1994.” Essentially, plaintiffs had to prove not just that their due process rights were violated, but that they were violated on the basis of their sex.

Barrett’s ruling, however, was instrumental in lowering the burden of proof plaintiffs had to show.

“It is plausible that [university officials] chose to believe Jane because she is a woman and to disbelieve John because he is a man,” Barrett wrote in her opinion, citing the political pressure the Obama administration had put on schools to address sexual assault.

Barrett’s opinion was adopted by other courts, and it was this reasoning that caused women’s rights groups to criticize the appellate judge.

Emily Martin of the National Women’s Law Center bristled at the idea of “replacing [Ginsburg] with a judge who is eager to use the language of sex discrimination in order to defend the status quo, and to use the statutes that were created to forward gender equality as swords against that very purpose.”

We’ll never know if Ginsburg would have believed it was plausible to assume that sex played a role in the university show trials that allowed hundreds of people accused of sex crimes to be found guilty without due process or a fair hearing.

What we do know is that on the broader issue of campus kangaroo courts, Ginsburg and Barrett found common ground.

“We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally,” Ginsburg told The Atlantic in 2018.

Indeed. It was for this reason that America’s founders carved out specific protections for the principle, declaring in the Fifth Amendment that no person shall “be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law… .”

Universities have long been able to deny due process to students accused of sexual crimes, because the allegations against them are not criminal charges. This is a grave injustice.

Accusing individuals of heinous sexual misconduct is a serious matter. A verdict of guilt will be carried with students for the rest of their lives and has the potential to impact their career and future earnings, not to mention their reputation. Such matters are far too serious to withhold from the accused fundamental tenets of our system designed to ensure justice and fairness.

Justice Ginsburg and Judge Barrett might have had starkly different constitutional views, but on this basic idea of justice they found common ground.

Jonathan Miltimore is the Managing Editor of FEE.org. His writing/reporting has been the subject of articles in TIME magazine, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Forbes, Fox News, and the Star Tribune.

https://fee.org/articles/ruth-bader-ginsburg-agreed-with-amy-coney-barrett-that-campus-kangaroo-courts-were-a-problem/

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Campus Civil Rights False Allegations Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Victims

The New Title IX Regulation: Historic Civil Rights Victory

“Victory belongs to those that believe in it the most and believe in it the longest.” – Randall Wallace

It is not common in one’s lifetime to experience a Civil Rights victory as historical as the one we celebrate today.

Today, August 14, 2020, the new Title IX regulation implementing rules for sexual harassment goes into effect at schools across America.  SAVE celebrates this victory for our nation, our students, and faculty, many of whom have been subjected to unfair campus disciplinary hearings over the past nine years.

Since 2011, when the controversial Dear Colleague Letter on sexual violence was released, 647 lawsuits have been filed against universities, thousands of student transcripts have been permanently stamped with “expulsion” or “suspension”, and countless professors have been fired or censured.  There is no limit to the trauma and emotional abuse these persons have experienced.

Many of these persons complained. As a result, the Department of Education reported that following release of the DCL, the number of Title IX complaints to the OCR increased nearly 5-fold, from 17,724 (2000-2010) to 80,739 (2011-2020).

Today we turn the page. 

Margaret Thatcher famously said, “You may have to fight a battle more than once to win it.”  Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, her staff, and individual civil rights advocates and groups, well understand the numerous battles that were fought to get to where we are today. Let’s highlight some of these efforts:

2011-2013:

2014-2016:

  • The Department of Justice reported the annual rate of sexual assault among college age females was 1/1000 women, refuting the widely disseminated one-in-five number.
  • Title IX for All was established, which offers a Database of OCR Resolution Letters and a Legal Database of lawsuits against universities.
  • A group of Harvard University Law Professors issued the statement, Rethink Harvard’s Sexual Harassment Policy.
  • A group of Penn Law faculty members issued their Open Letter, Sexual Assault Complaints: Protecting Complainants and the Accused Students at Universities
  • The American Association of University Professors issued a report, The History, Uses, and Abuses of Title IX
  • Professors from around the country issued Law Professors’ Open Letter Regarding Campus Free Speech and Sexual Assault
  • SAVE sent a letter calling on Congress to Rescind and Replace the Dear Colleague Letter (April 4), issued a Special Report, “Lawsuits Against Universities for Alleged Mishandling of Sexual Misconduct Cases;” and held meetings with staffers in 60 offices in the Senate and House of Representatives to discuss problems with the OCR policy. Over subsequent years, SAVE representatives would hold over 1,000 meetings with legislative staffers.
  • 2,239 articles and editorials were published critical of the OCR policy.

2017-2019:

2020:

  • On May 6, 2020 the Department of Education issued its final rule.
  • Four lawsuits were filed opposing the Rule, and amicus briefs were filed by SAVE, FACE, and FIRE.
    • Attorneys General lawsuit (Request for Preliminary Injunction denied on 8/12/20)
    • ACLU lawsuit (Pending)
    • National Women’s Law Center lawsuit (Pending)
    • State of New York lawsuit (Request for Preliminary Injunction denied on 8/9/20)

Today, August 14, 2020 the Final Rule is being implemented on college campuses and K-12 schools across America.

This has been an incredible journey ending in a momentous victory, but one that is not over.  The letter of the law was penned by our U.S. Department of Education, and now the spirit of the law must be carried out to ensure our students and faculty receive every protection the Title IX law provides.

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Campus Civil Rights Department of Education Department of Justice Due Process False Allegations Sexual Assault Title IX

Can Lockdown Learning Liberate Male Students?

The COVID-19 cloud hanging over North American universities may contain a ray of sunlight. It may ease what is called “the boy problem” in education—a significantly reduced number of male students and of male achievement in colleges. As bleak as isolated learning may seem to some, it may be more male friendly than many campuses.

Critics denounce off-campus learning as a lesser service being offered at full price. Certainly, the college experience can be enhanced by direct interaction with professors, other students, and organizations. But a radical left ideology dominates the university system, and it is sustained by an army of administrators who implement policies of social control, from speech codes to sexual mores. This often leads to stifled opinions, preferential treatment of some classes of student, accusations of misconduct, speech police, campus hearings with no due process, and punishment with no appeal. There can be advantages to a stripped-down version of learning without the social justice and social control that turns the benefits of interaction into cruel dangers.

An October 2018 article in the New York Times, “Think Professors Are Liberal? Try School Administrators,” complained,

The ideological bent of those overseeing collegiate life is having the biggest impact on campus culture…I received a disconcerting email this year from a senior staff member in the Office of Diversity and Campus Engagement at Sarah Lawrence College, where I teach. The email was soliciting ideas…for a conference, open to all of us, titled “Our Liberation Summit.” The conference would touch on such progressive topics as liberation spaces on campus, Black Lives Matter and justice for women as well as for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, asexual and allied people.

The conservative professor objected to the political polarization of this campus conference and the power of the administrator. Those who reject any tax-funded conference can sympathize, not because of the politics involved but because of the taxes. The fact that “those overseeing collegiate life” push their own orthodoxy is insult added to injury.

The silver lining of at-home learning: students who attend class in pajamas have little occasion to encounter social justice warrior (SJW) bureaucrats. In on-campus life, they seem to be everywhere.

In 2017, Todd J. Zywicki and Christopher Koopman of George Mason University published a study entitled “The Changing of the Guard: The Political Economy of Administrative Bloat in American Higher Education.” They found,

Universities have increased spending, but very little of that increased spending has been related to classroom instruction; rather, it is being directed toward non-classroom costs. As a result, there has been a growth in academic bureaucracies, as universities focus on hiring employees to manage or administer people, programs, and regulations. Between 2001 and 2011, these sorts of hires have increased 50% faster than the number of classroom instructors. This trend…has become ubiquitous in…American higher education. (p.2). [Data draws on WSJ article “Deans List: Hiring Spree Fattens College Bureaucracy—And Tuition.”]

Focusing on a narrow field of administrators offers a glimpse of the harm these bureaucrats inflict. Consider the impact of one branch on one student population: Title IX on male students, who have been called “the new minority” at colleges. This is particularly true of males from low-income families.

Jim Shelley, the manager of the Men’s Resource Center at Lakeland Community College in Ohio, explains one reason why; campuses feel hostile to them. They feel that college is geared toward protecting and promoting females.

“Not only are there not programs like ours [on other campuses] that are supportive of male students, but at most college campuses the attitude is that men are the problem.…I’ve had male students tell me that their first week in college they were made to feel like potential rapists.”

A great deal of attention in the last decade has been directed to “the boy problem” in education. A few examples include:

Logically, administrators seem to be ideally placed to ensure that campuses are welcoming to and not hostile environments for males. In reality, they do the opposite. Just one example are sex specific scholarships that overwhelmingly favor female applicants—often prohibiting male ones—even though Title IX’s implementing regulation, 34 CFR 106, prohibits federally tax-supported scholarships that, “On the basis of sex, provide different amounts or types of such assistance, limit eligibility for such assistance which is of any particular type or source, apply different criteria, or otherwise discriminate.”

A broader overview reveals how badly administrators may be failing or actively harming male students. The overview involves taking universities at their word and examining the makeup of staff, such as Title IX administrators. A popular campus idea is that only another member of a specific gender or race understands the experience of that gender or race; only blacks understand the black experience, etc.

This argument is used to push for a so-called diversity of hiring that gives female students access to female counselors and mentors, for example. Again, this approach leads to preferential hiring based on gender or race—that is, quotas—which are anathema to any system of merit. Nevertheless, socially engineered quotas are normal at universities. If applied even handedly, this should result in a population of administrators that roughly mirrors the population of students. This seems especially important for Title IX administrators who are supposed to ensure non-discrimination based on sex.

What is the gender mix of the student populations? It varies from campus to campus, of course, but an October 2019 article entitled The Degrees of Separation Between the Genders in College in the Washington Post renders a fair sense of it. The article states, “Fifty years ago, 58 percent of U.S. college students were men. Today, 56 percent are women, Education Department estimates show.” This is a commonly cited statistic.

CaptureOne would expect Title IX administrators, therefore, to be half-female and half-male, or something roughly close to this ratio. A review of the websites of the largest public university in each state, however, reveals a huge gender gap in Title iX staff. In the 51 universities, there were 168 female staffers to 48 male, or 3.5 times more females.

If this gap resulted from free market factors, then it would be an interesting and harmless anomaly that probably reflects how employment preferences differ between the genders. No solution would be required because no problem would exist. But universities are socially engineered institutions. They receive Title IX funding and other federal benefits on the specific condition of non-discrimination. If blacks constituted 44 percent of a student body while 3.5 times more whites than blacks occupied highly paid positions of authority, there would be a cry of “racism!” No one cries out for male students.

Administrators will not give up their positions easily, simply because they are highly paid and bring status. According to the 2012-13 “Administrators in Higher Education Salary Survey” by the College and University Professional Association for Human Resources, the average annual salary of a “Chief Executive Officer of a System” in a two-year institution was $291,132; in a four-year institution, $370,470; in a doctoral context, $431,575. By contrast, a 2015-16 report from the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) found the average salary of a tenured professor at a public college was $78,762. Again, this is not a hard comparison, but it renders a good general sense of the scope of the problem and why the administrators will not easily cede their authority.

Ultimately, the solution is to privatize colleges and run them as businesses in which owners make decisions, usually according to market feedback. In the absence of this and the presence of tax-funding, however, it is blatantly wrong to privilege one class of human being and discriminate against another class in employment and opportunity. It is especially hypocritical to do so within a program that allegedly champions non-discrimination.

If the lockdown of universities loosens the death grip that anti-male administrators have on college campuses, then at least one benefit will come from it. If SJW social justice bureaucrats are shown to be irrelevant, perhaps cash-strapped universities will consider a return to academia and cease to be petri dishes of social experimentation.

https://libertarianinstitute.org/articles/can-lockdown-learning-liberate-male-students/

Categories
Campus Civil Rights Department of Education Due Process Fair Campus Act Investigations Title IX

To cripple the abusive campus ‘sex bureaucracy,’ rein in the Title IX coordinators

If you want to entrench a government policy, make sure someone’s job depends on enforcing it. Even if that person isn’t a true believer in the program initially, she will be by the time her first paycheck arrives – and increasingly after that. That’s certainly the case with the education system’s Title IX coordinators, who are charged with overseeing schools’ compliance with federal sex discrimination statutes and questionable regulatory dictates.

What do Title IX coordinators do? Their core job duty, at least in theory, is to monitor their institution’s compliance with Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, which helps ensure that institutions receiving federal money do not tolerate sexual harassment that effectively bars the victim’s access to educational opportunity.

However, regulators’ zeal for stamping out sexual harassment has warped enforcement in ways that violate students’ free speech and due process rights. That’s all thanks to the Office of Civil Rights (OCR) within the Department of Education, which under the Obama administration issued widely criticized guidance documents elaborating on – and often unreasonably expanding the interpretation of – what counts as harassment. These documents imposed new duties on regulated schools based on a serious misreading of the law, and were instituted without following the appropriate procedures for public notice and comment.

Fortunately, the Trump administration has withdrawn some of the worst guidance documents and issued binding regulations that should discourage schools from curtailing students’ fundamental rights. However, there is at least one more problematic Obama-era Title IX guidance remaining on the books. It describes, at length, the procedures that federal funding recipients must follow in employing Title IX coordinators.

The term “coordinator” appears nowhere in Title IX itself. The requirement originates from a 1975 regulation (34 C.F.R. 106.8) that told funding recipients they had to designate a responsible employee to handle Title IX compliance. The requirement prompted almost no public comment at the time, probably because it was seen as the kind of modest measure that agencies routinely take to carry out a statute, such as telling recipients what color paper they must use in correspondence with an agency.

Yet onto this slender bureaucratic reed, the Obama administration engrafted a complex regulatory regime that essentially created privately administered “sex bureaucracies” within every funding recipient’s management.

Under pressure from this guidance, many colleges and universities expanded their Title IX officesHarvard University has by my count 58 compliance staff members. Yale University has 22. Even tiny liberal arts colleges have significant Title IX offices: Middlebury has one main Title IX coordinator and six deputies; Amherst has one coordinator and six deputies; Haverford has one and eight deputies.

As these offices have grown, staff duties have expanded to include work going beyond ensuring compliance with the law and instead promoting the “spirit” of Title IX. One Swarthmore coordinator noted to the media that these “jobs are really not just about compliance anymore, but also about campus climate.”

What are these offices doing to promote Title IX’s spirit? As Jeannie Suk and Jacob Gersen discuss in a 2016 California Law Review article, “The Sex Bureaucracy,” many have gone beyond preventing unlawful sex discrimination and instead have expanded into lecturing students on what used to be seen as highly personal decisions about pursuing “healthy” or “safe” romantic and sexual relationships. Most of us learned foundational relationship skills such as “Always use ‘I’ statements” and “Don’t interrupt your partner” from partners, friends, clergy, or private therapists. Yet Title IX coordinators at Swarthmore and the University of Illinois have taken it upon themselves to propound such advice to students

“Is bureaucracy the antonym of desire?” Suk and Gersen ask. Certainly many of us would think so. Are bureaucrats hired to enforce a nondiscrimination statute really well-equipped to serve also as essentially relationship therapists? Much of their advice may be noncontroversial, but some may be less so, especially to students who hold traditional or religious values. Is it infantilizing to young adults to treat them as needing this kind of hectoring? Because of the pandemic-related economic downturn, many universities are in a particularly tight financial situation right now. Wouldn’t it make sense for regulators to give them some more flexibility in this area?

The Trump administration has made a priority of restoring the rule of law and stopping agency abuse of guidance documents: an executive order lays out procedures for transparency in issuance of guidance documents and restricts executive agencies’ unlawful issuance of guidance documents, and Associate Attorney General Rachel Brand issued a memo prohibiting Department of Justice components from issuing guidance documents that effectively bind the public.

The Trump administration should follow through on its commitment to pull back overreaching guidance and repeal this problematic document, in order to rein in the Title IX coordinators and their abusive sex bureaucracy.

Alison Somin is a legal fellow at Pacific Legal Foundation, which litigates nationwide to achieve court victories enforcing the Constitution’s guarantee of individual liberty. Follow her on Twitter @AlisonSomin.

Categories
Accountability Campus Civil Rights Department of Education Discrimination Due Process False Allegations Investigations Office for Civil Rights Press Release Sex Education Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX Training Victims Violence

Double Jeopardy: SAVE Calls on College Administrators to Assure Due Process Protections for Black Students in Title IX Proceedings

Contact: Rebecca Stewart
Telephone: 513-479-3335
Email: info@saveservices.org

Double Jeopardy: SAVE Calls on College Administrators to Assure Due Process Protections for Black Students in Title IX Proceedings

WASHINGTON / July 28, 2020 – SAVE recently released a study that shows black male students face a type of “double jeopardy” by virtue of being male and black. (1) Analyses show although black male students are far outnumbered on college campuses, they are four times more likely than white students to file lawsuits alleging their rights were violated in Title IX proceedings (2), and at one university OCR investigated for racial discrimination, black male students were accused of 50% of the sexual violence reported to the university yet they comprised only 4.2% of the student population. (3)

In 2015, Harvard Law Professor Janet Halley raised an alarm to the U.S. Senate HELP committee that, “the rate of complaints and sanctions against male students of color is unreasonably high.” (4) She advised school administrators to, “not only to secure sex equality but also to be on the lookout for racial bias and racially disproportionate impact and for discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity – not only against complainants but also against the accused.” (5)

Her powerful words were ignored. Over the past 5 years numerous black males have been caught up in campus Title IX proceedings. Their lawsuits often claim a lack of due process in the procedures.

Grant Neal, a black student athlete, was suspended by Colorado State University – Pueblo for a rape his white partner denied ever happened. (6) Two black males students accused of sexually assaulting a fellow student recently settled a lawsuit against University of Findlay for racial, gender and ethnic discrimination. (7) Nikki Yovino was sentenced to a year in prison for making false rape accusations against two black Sacred Heart University football players whose lives were ruined by her accusations. (8) These are just a few examples.

Wheaton College in suburban Chicago, a major stop along the Underground Railroad, recently dismissed Chaplain Tim Blackmon, its first nonwhite chaplain in its 155-year history. Blackmon claims Wheaton’s Title IX office failed to investigate a previous Title IX complaint against him in a “clear misuse of the Title IX investigative process,” and he was “completely blind-sided by this Title IX investigation.” Blackmon’s attorney believes the professor’s race heavily factored into his firing, and that Wheaton was looking for an excuse to sever its relationship with its first African American chaplain and return to being a predominantly white educational institution. (9)

The impact to black male students and faculty could be even greater than any data or media reports imply since only those who can afford a costly litigation file lawsuits and make the news. More data is needed, but anecdotally black males are disproportionately harmed in campus Title IX proceedings.

SAVE recently spoke with Republican and Democrat offices in the House and Senate regarding this issue. Virtually all staffers agreed members of Congress are concerned about harm to black students and supportive of ways to offer protections to all students, including those of color.

The new Title IX regulation offers necessary due process protections that black students need. By complying with the regulation, college administrators will protect the rights of all students and address the serious problem that black men are accused and punished at unreasonably high rates. At a time when activists on college campuses are clamoring that Black Lives Matter, college administrators should assure they are doing everything they can to help their black students.

Citations:

  1. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/07/why-are-some-members-of-congress-opposing-due-process-protections-for-black-male-students/
  2. https://www.titleixforall.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Plaintiff-Demographics-by-Race-and-Sex-Title-IX-Lawsuits-2020-7-6.pdf
  3. https://reason.com/2017/09/14/we-need-to-talk-about-black-students-bei/
  4. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-114shrg95801/pdf/CHRG-114shrg95801.pdf
  5. https://harvardlawreview.org/2015/02/trading-the-megaphone-for-the-gavel-in-title-ix-enforcement-2/
  6. https://www.thecollegefix.com/athlete-accused-rape-colorado-state-not-sex-partner-getting-paid-drop-lawsuit/
  7. https://pulse.findlay.edu/2019/around-campus/university-of-findlay-settles-sexual-assault-case/
  8. https://www.ctpost.com/news/article/Yovino-sentenced-to-1-year-in-false-rape-case-13177363.php
  9. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/07/black-immigrant-chaplain-claims-christian-college-used-bogus-title-ix-investigation-to-fire-hi

 

SAVE is leading the policy movement for fairness and due process on campus: http://www.saveservices.org/

Categories
#MeToo Campus Civil Rights Discrimination Due Process False Allegations Free Speech Investigations Office for Civil Rights Sexual Harassment

Black Immigrant Chaplain Claims Christian College Used Bogus Title IX Investigation to Fire Him

‘From the outset … race was very much at issue’

A professor’s race heavily factored into his firing on the grounds of making racially and sexually insensitive comments, according to his attorney.

Wheaton College, known informally as the Harvard of evangelical colleges, publicly announced the dismissal of Chaplain Tim Blackmon earlier this month, more than a month after his firing.

The 50-year-old black immigrant from the Netherlands has since vigorously disputed the allegations against him, telling the Chicago Tribune that “they are a complete misconstrual of the comments” he made.

President Philip Ryken justified the college’s firing of Blackmon by publicly accusing him of several violations Wheaton learned about last fall. He had “repeatedly used an ethnic slur” to refer to an Asian employee and suggested that a female staff member sit on his lap during a training session for sexual harassment, according to Wheaton’s statement.

The black chaplain also circulated a meme to employees about masturbation and “arranged” to have the book “The Complete Idiot’s Guide to the Kama Sutra” placed on a female staff member’s desk, the college claimed.

Wheaton claimed that Blackmon “admitted to certain allegations, which is patently untrue,” his attorney Andrew Miltenberg told The College Fix in an email. The ex-chaplain “continues to refute” both the allegations and the context Wheaton applied to them.

“From the outset, Chapl[a]in Blackmon’s race was very much at issue,” contrary to Wheaton’s race-neutral portrayal of the allegations, Miltenberg said.

Citing Wheaton’s allegedly poor record with racial and ethnic diversity, “especially with the African American community,” the attorney said that Blackmon has been treated far worse than his white colleagues.

Pressure to conform with the prevailing views of the #MeToo movement and the controversies surrounding Title IX investigations resulted in an overreaction from the college, the attorney added.

Ultimately, Wheaton chose to oust Blackmon so that it could maintain the mantle of being an “ethnically diverse” college all the while “return[ing] to its roots – that being a primarily white educational institution,” Miltenberg alleged. Yet the fired employee and his attorney have not decided whether to take legal action yet.

When asked to specify some of the college’s allegations about Blackmon – including the exact racial slur – beyond its curt statement, Director of Marketing Joseph Moore stated: “Wheaton College is not providing further comment.”

That supposed slur, Blackmon told a blogger last week, stemmed from an “inside joke” about the song “Black and Yellow” by the rapper Wiz Khalifa and its relevance to working in a “predominantly white institution.”

Theological articles he shared were ‘ideologically problematic’ for accuser

Wheaton’s internal statement to its community, which Moore provided and which preceded Blackmon’s response, made clear that the college did not find that he engaged in “sexually immoral relationships or physical sexual misconduct.” Rather, its investigation “revealed conduct inconsistent with Wheaton’s policies and commitments.”

Moore did not not provide The Fix with the specific policies and commitments purportedly breached by Blackmon, however.

“To be clear, I was completely blind-sided by this Title IX investigation,” Blackmon said via his attorney in response to Wheaton’s statement.

“I recently learned this was the second time this individual filed a Title IX against me,” the first one occurring in 2017 after Blackmon had “shared five theological articles that the complainant [accuser] deemed ideologically problematic.” (He doesn’t give a more specific description of the accuser; Wheaton’s language suggests at least two women complained.)

Wheaton’s Title IX office didn’t investigate at the time, “as it was a clear misuse of the Title IX investigative process,” the chaplain continued. But in the most recent complaint, he said that “several of my comments have been taken completely out of their factual and, in some cases, religious context.”

He emphasized that no one accused him of “flirtation, inappropriate relationships, sexual misconduct or any sexual action towards anyone,” and neither the accuser nor “any witness, communicate[d] offense or discomfort.”

While it left out his race when justifying his firing, Wheaton emphasized Blackmon’s race when hiring him five years ago as the first nonwhite chaplain in its 155-year history.

Rodney Sisco, director of the Office of Multicultural Development, told The Wheaton Record: “I think change is change, and change is always difficult. Chaplain Blackmon is going to be seen differently.”

While Sisco was personally excited to have a “person of color leading the chaplain’s office,” he suspected that some community members would be “a little worried, asking, ‘Have we made some sort of strange mistake?’” He concluded by saying: “I think there will be some folks who push against the college.”

At the time, only 2.3 percent of the student body was comprised of African Americans. The most recent figures from 2017 put it at 3.03 percent––its white population is at 70.8 percent. (Ranking service College Factual says Wheaton has more “non-resident alien” students than African Americans.) This is at a college that was founded by evangelical abolitionists in 1860 and was a major stop along the Underground Railroad.

“Wheaton has failed in its attempt, if any were even made, to achieve truly measurable and transformative cultural diversity,” Miltenberg, who has represented hundreds of college students accused of sexual misconduct, told The Fix.

‘The Complete Idiot’s Guide to the Kama Sutra’ was a regifted ‘gag’

In a separate public statement, the attorney alleged that Wheaton administrators “are now publicly smearing and defaming my client in the media by using out of context statements and false accusations.”

Contrary to President Ryken’s claim, Blackmon “never asked his secretary to sit on his lap during a sexual harassment training,” and “never harassed anyone, sexually or racially,” according to Miltenberg. The college simply “weaponized the Title IX process to get rid of someone whose words and ideas didn’t always conform to their views.”

The lap allegation, Blackmon told The Roys Report blog last week, stemmed from his critical comments about “the mandatory (but rather patronizing) sexual harassment training video” he was required to watch when starting at Wheaton in September 2015.

He said he told the accuser: “Come on, it’s not like I don’t know what sexual harassment is. It’s not like I’m asking my secretary to sit on my lap and take the training for me.”

The context for another allegation, about his comments to a newly married female employee, was the fact that her “brand-new husband had been pulling all-nighters for grad-school,” Blackmon continued:

As a way of celebrating their newly wedded bliss I said, “Maybe you should surprise him and pay him a conjugal visit.” As to the conjugal-visit comment, I was genuinely trying to commiserate with her about the challenges of graduate school and newlyweds.

Regarding the incident involving “The Complete Idiot’s Guide to the Kama Sutra,” Miltenberg told The Fix that Blackmon “received the book from a former parishioner.”

That person’s wife wrote about the incident in a comment on a blog post on the Blackmon controversy: “I left the book on Tim’s desk. During our annual Church bazar [sic] I found the book in the donated items as we set up.” She thought that it would be “ironic to put the book on Tim’s desk.”

Later, after she and her husband “laughed about it,” her husband “snuck into Tim’s office and hid it in his library where it sat for years. I guess it made its way to Chicago. I thought it was funny to put a book that silly in Tim’s office. And the idea I was a victim is stupid.”

According to Miltenberg, at some point Blackmon “told the complainant the story after he found the surprise gag gift in his [college’s] library and then gave her the book. He thought it was a funny story. That’s all there was to it.” (Blackmon told The Roys Report he shared the story with others, but admitted that it sounded bad when “taken out of its contexts without the prank.”)

Because this was “such a benign event,” the attorney continued, “we believe that Wheaton was looking for an excuse to sever its relationship with its first African American Chaplain” and return to being a predominantly white educational institution.

‘China-man’ was an ‘inside joke’

Regarding the “ethnic slur” he allegedly used repeatedly toward an Asian American employee, Blackmon provided the context to The Roys Report.

When he started working at Wheaton, Blackmon said one of his Korean ministry colleagues was “mistaken” for a professor. They “commiserated about the realities of beginning to work” at the predominantly white institution, comparing their situation to the Wiz Khalifa song “Black and Yellow”:

[A] black pastor from Holland and a Korean ministry associate. I said, “Maybe we should call you the China-man because people can’t even tell one Asian from another, one Chinese from a Korean.” More laughter ensued and for the next couple of weeks we commiserated about the ironies of working in a predominantly white institution, and we soon moved on from our inside joke and got to work.

“This,” said Blackmon, “is what they are considering the racial/ethnic slur.”

Miltenberg also suspects that “Wheaton may have overreacted out of fear of public pressure given the #MeToo movement and other Title IX related controversies as of late”:

Wheaton has repeatedly shifted the landscape in Chaplain Blackmon’s case, at times claiming it was Title IX issue, and other times, suggesting that the situation did not fall under Title IX.

This shifting has impeded Blackmon’s ability to appropriately respond to the allegations as well as “denying him the right to counsel,” Miltenberg said. The college has also ignored its own “employee conflict resolution procedures,” he claimed.

Its actions “have put Chaplain Blackmon’s future very much at risk,” Miltenberg said.

Source: https://www.thecollegefix.com/black-immigrant-chaplain-claims-christian-college-used-bogus-title-ix-investigation-to-fire-him/

Categories
Campus Civil Rights Due Process False Allegations Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment

Why Are Some Members of Congress Opposing Due Process Protections for Black Male Students?

SAVE

July 14, 2020

During the Senate HELP Committee’s 2015 hearing on campus sexual assault, Harvard Law Professor Janet Halley made the surprising observation that in her experience, “male students of color are accused and punished at ‘unreasonably high rates’ in campus sexual misconduct investigations.” (1) Two years later, journalist Emily Yoffe posed this question in The Atlantic: “Is the system biased against men of color?” explaining, “black men make up only about 6 percent of college undergraduates, yet are vastly overrepresented in the cases I’ve tracked.” (2) Lara Bazelon, director of the racial justice clinics at the University of San Francisco School of Law, likewise has opined about the troubling racial dynamics at play under the current Title IX system, and urged Education Secretary Betsy DeVos to “take important steps to fix these problems.” (3)

During this time of national reflection on race relationships, stories mount of black men whose lives were irrevocably harmed by false allegations or poorly administered campus tribunals (4). The examples of unfair treatment are numerous and egregious:

  • Two years ago, Nikki Yovino was sentenced to one year in jail for falsely accusing two black male football players, students at Sacred Heart University, of sexual assault (5).
  • Grant Neal, a black student athlete suspended by Colorado State University-Pueblo for a rape his white partner denied ever happened, sued and settled with his university (6).
  • Two black male students accused of sexual assault recently settled a lawsuit against University of Findlay for racial, gender, and ethnic discrimination (7).

Black faculty members also have been targeted by the campus kangaroo courts. The nation’s first elected black governor, former Virginia Governor L. Douglas Wilder, penned a scathing letter regarding his “unimaginable nightmare at Virginia Commonwealth University” after he was erroneously accused of sexual misconduct. He aptly titled his letter, “Secretary DeVos Right to Restore Due Process on Campus.” (9) Similarly, Howard University castigated law professor Reginald Robinson for allegations of sexual harassment, although his actions were clearly an expression of academic freedom consistent with university policy. (10)

So how widespread is the problem?

In 2017, the Office for Civil Rights investigated Colgate University for potential race discrimination in its sexual assault adjudication process. During the course of the investigation, the institution had to reveal the embarrassing fact that “black male students were accused of 50% of the sexual violations reported to the university,” (11) even though black students represent only 5.2% of all undergraduate students (12).

More recently, Title IX For All analyzed demographic data from the approximately 650 lawsuits filed against institutions of higher education since 2011. Among the 30% of cases in which the race of the accused student was known, black students are four times as likely as white students to file lawsuits alleging their rights were violated in Title IX disciplinary proceedings. Title IX For All concludes, “These findings come at a time when public officials who have long regarded themselves as champions of civil rights for minorities suspected or accused of crimes advocate a heightened awareness of their rights, while simultaneously working to undermine their rights in higher education settings.” (13)

The new Title IX regulation will ensure fairness, equitability, and credibility, and will support and assist sexual assault complainants, as well (14). Some members of Congress in both the Senate (15) and the House of Representatives (16) have urged Secretary DeVos to rescind the new regulation with vague claims that it is harmful to students.

At a time when activists across the country are clamoring that Black Lives Matter, why are some members of Congress opposed to a regulation that will help improve the lives of black men?

Citations:

  1. https://www.thecollegefix.com/shut-out-of-sexual-assault-hearing-critics-of-pro-accuser-legislation-flood-senate-committee-with-testimony/
  2. https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/09/the-question-of-race-in-campus-sexual-assault-cases/539361/
  3. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/12/04/opinion/-title-ix-devos-democrat-feminist.html
  4. https://www.thecollegefix.com/believe-the-survivor-heres-11-times-young-black-men-were-railroaded-by-campus-sexual-assault-claims/
  5. https://www.ctpost.com/news/article/Yovino-sentenced-to-1-year-in-false-rape-case-13177363.php
  6. https://www.thecollegefix.com/athlete-accused-rape-colorado-state-not-sex-partner-getting-paid-drop-lawsuit/
  7. https://pulse.findlay.edu/2019/around-campus/university-of-findlay-settles-sexual-assault-case/
  8. https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/voices/2020/07/02/sexual-assault-title-ix-due-process-betsy-devos-column/3281103001/
  9. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/06/secretary-devos-right-to-restore-due-process-on-campus/
  10. https://www.thefire.org/law-professor-still-subject-to-sanctions-from-howard-university-for-brazilian-wax-hypothetical-on-quiz/
  11. https://reason.com/2017/09/14/we-need-to-talk-about-black-students-bei/
  12. https://www.colgate.edu/about/offices-centers-institutes/provost-and-dean-faculty/equity-and-diversity/demographics#students
  13. https://www.titleixforall.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Plaintiff-Demographics-by-Race-and-Sex-Title-IX-Lawsuits-2020-7-6.pdf
  14. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/05/analysis-new-title-ix-regulation-will-support-and-assist-complainants-in-multiple-ways/
  15. https://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?id=CB2CFAD7-4FF7-400D-A8E5-CA2D5857072B
  16. https://speier.house.gov/2020/5/reps-speier-kuster-pressley-and-slotkin-lead-letter-urging-the-department-of-education-to-rescind-its-indefensible-title-ix-rule