Categories
Domestic Violence

Moment of Truth

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Moment of Truth

WCASA and End Abuse uphold the ‘Moment of Truth’ letter of acknowledgement and intention, created and affirmed by several coalitions across the country. This statement has been released on behalf of the signatories to several national partners.

As coalitions, we will use the letter as a catalyst for discussions within our membership; guidance for our policy initiatives and community building actions; and a blueprint for how we conceive of our work.

We will continue to have challenging discussions on white supremacy, our role in upholding it, our responsibility to dismantle it, while centering the survivors we serve and, most importantly, acting on what this necessitates.

The letter includes explicit support of reframing the idea of “public safety”, removing police from schools, decriminalizing survival, providing safe housing for everyone, and investing in care and not the police.

Many of us feel confused, unsure of the next steps, or are looking to develop a deeper understanding. We hope to move through these challenging discussions by thinking critically, together, so that we can work to affect real change.

As the letter states:

“The Coronavirus pandemic, unchecked and increased police violence, political and economic upheaval, and stay-at-home isolation have produced the “perfect storm.” We have a choice to make: run from the storm or into it. We choose to run into it and through it. We choose to come out the other side better, whole, loving, just, and more human. We have spent decades building our movement’s voice and power. How we use them now will define us in the years ahead. Let our actions show that we did not stand idly by. Let them show that we learned, changed, and will continue to demonstrate that Black Lives Matter is a centering practice for our work.”

Let’s keep moving forward, together, learning and in community.


This is a moment of reckoning.

The murder of George Floyd broke the collective heart of this country, and now, finally, millions of people are saying their names: George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Tony McDade, Ahmaud Arbery – an endless list of Black Lives stolen at the hands and knees of police. The legacies of slavery and unfulfilled civil rights, colonialism and erasure, hatred and violence, have always been in full view. Turning away is no longer an option. Superficial reform is not enough.

We, the undersigned sexual assault and domestic violence state coalitions, call ourselves to account for the ways in which this movement, and particularly the white leadership within this movement, has repeatedly failed Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) survivors, leaders, organizations, and movements:

● We have failed to listen to Black feminist liberationists and other colleagues of color in the
movement who cautioned us against the consequences of choosing increased policing, prosecution, and imprisonment as the primary solution to gender-based violence.

● We have promoted false solutions of reforming systems that are designed to control people,
rather than real community-based solutions that support healing and liberation.

● We have invested significantly in the criminal legal system, despite knowing that the vast
majority of survivors choose not to engage with it and that those who do are often re-traumatized by it.

● We have held up calls for “victim safety” to justify imprisonment and ignored the fact that prisons hold some of the densest per-capita populations of trauma survivors in the world.

● We have ignored and dismissed transformative justice approaches to healing, accountability,
and repair, approaches created by BIPOC leaders and used successfully in BIPOC communities.

We acknowledge BIPOC’s historical trauma and lived experiences of violence and center those traumas
and experiences in our commitments to move forward. We affirm that BIPOC communities are not
homogeneous and that opinions on what is necessary now vary in both substance and degree.

This moment has long been coming.

We must be responsible for the ways in which our movement work directly contradicts our values. We espouse nonviolence, self-determination, freedom for all people and the right to bodily autonomy as we simultaneously contribute to a pro-arrest and oppressive system that is designed to isolate, control, and punish. We promote the idea of equity and freedom as we ignore and minimize the real risks faced by BIPOC survivors who interact with a policing system that threatens the safety of their families and their very existence. We seek to uproot the core drivers of gender-based violence that treat colonialism, white supremacy, racism, and transphobia as impossibly complex other forms of harm.

A better world is within reach.

It is being remembered and imagined in BIPOC communities around the world, and it is calling us to be a part of it. In this world:

● all human beings have inherent value, even when they cause harm;
● people have what they need – adequate and nutritious food, housing, quality education and
healthcare, meaningful work, and time with family and friends; and
● all sentient beings are connected, including Mother Earth.

It is time to transform not only “the state,” but ourselves.

Divestment and reallocation must be accompanied by rigorous commitment to and participation in the community solutions and supports that are being recommended by multiple organizations and platforms.

We are listening to and centering BIPOC-led groups, organizations, and communities. We join their vision of liberation and support the following:

● Reframe the idea of “public safety” – to promote and utilize emerging community-based practices that resist abuse and oppression and encourage safety, support, and accountability

● Remove police from schools – and support educational environments that are safe, equitable, and productive for all students

● Decriminalize survival – and address mandatory arrest, failure to protect, bail (fines and fees), and the criminalization of homelessness and street economies (sex work, drug trades, etc.)

● Provide safe housing for everyone – to increase affordable, quality housing, particularly for adult and youth survivors of violence, and in disenfranchised communities

● Invest in care, not cops – to shift the work, resourcing, and responsibility of care into local
communities

The undersigned coalitions agree that the above actions are both aspirational and essential. While timing and strategy may differ across communities, states, and sovereign nations, we commit to supporting and partnering with BIPOC leaders and organizations. We commit to standing in solidarity with sovereignty, land and water protection, and human rights. And we say resoundingly and unequivocally: BLACK LIVES MATTER!

The Coronavirus pandemic, unchecked and increased police violence, political and economic upheaval, and stay-at-home isolation have produced the “perfect storm.” We have a choice to make: run from the storm or into it. We choose to run into it and through it. We choose to come out the other side better, whole, loving, just, and more human.

We have spent decades building our movement’s voice and power. How we use them now will define us in the years ahead. Let the record show that we did not stand idly by. Let it show that we learned, changed, and did all that we could to help make Black Lives Matter.

Affirmed by:

Alabama Coalition Against Rape

Alaska Network on Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault

Arkansas Coalition Against Sexual Assault

California Coalition Against Sexual Assault

California Partnership to End Domestic Violence

CAWS North Dakota

Colorado Coalition Against Sexual Assault

End Domestic Abuse Wisconsin

Florida Council Against Sexual Violence

Georgia Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Georgia Network to End Sexual Assault

Idaho Coalition Against Sexual & Domestic Violence

Illinois Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Indiana Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Iowa Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Iowa Coalition Against Sexual Assault

Jane Doe Inc. (Massachusetts Coalition Against Sexual and Domestic Violence)

Kentucky Association of Sexual Assault Programs, Inc.

Kentucky Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Maine Coalition Against Sexual Assault

Maine Coalition to End Domestic Violence

Maryland Network Against Domestic Violence

Mississippi Coalition Against Sexual Assault

Montana Coalition Against Domestic and Sexual Violence

Nebraska Coalition to End Sexual and Domestic Violence

Nevada Coalition to End Domestic and Sexual Violence

New Jersey Coalition Against Sexual Assault

New Jersey Coalition to End Domestic Violence

New Mexico Coalition of Sexual Assault Programs, Inc.

New York State Coalition Against Domestic Violence

New York State Coalition Against Sexual Assault

North Carolina Coalition Against Domestic Violence

North Carolina Coalition Against Sexual Assault

Ohio Alliance to End Sexual Violence

Ohio Domestic Violence Network

Pennsylvania Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Pennsylvania Coalition Against Rape

Tennessee Coalition to End Domestic and Sexual Violence

Utah Coalition Against Sexual Assault

Vermont Network Against Domestic and Sexual Violence

Violence Free Colorado

Virginia Sexual & Domestic Violence Action Alliance

Washington Coalition of Sexual Assault Programs

Washington State Coalition Against Domestic Violence

West Virginia Coalition Against Domestic Violence

Wisconsin Coalition Against Sexual Assault

Source: https://www.endabusewi.org/moment-of-truth/

Categories
Discrimination Title IX Title IX Equity Project

Yale SOM under DOE investigation for alleged sex discrimination

Yale University is being investigated by the Office for Civil Rights within the United States Department of Education for allegedly violating Title IX by running women-only programs at the Yale School of Management.

According to a complaint filed by Mark J. Perry, an economics professor at University of Michigan, Flint, the Yale SOM discriminates against men on the basis of sex by excluding them from applying for several executive education programs created solely for women. In an Oct. 13 letter from the DOE obtained by the News, the department’s Boston office for civil rights notified Perry that they would open an investigation into his complaint. University officials said that the University recently received the complaint and declined to comment.

Officials from the DOE confirmed to the News that the OCR opened an investigation into the University on Tuesday for possible discrimination but declined to provide additional information about the case, citing its ongoing status.

“OCR is opening the following legal issues for investigation: Whether the University discriminates against men by excluding them from applying for the (1) ‘Women’s Leadership Program,’ (2) ‘Women’s Leadership Program Live Online,’ (3) ‘Women’s Leadership Program Online’ and (4) ‘Women on Boards’ executive education programs within the University’s School of Management, which are only available to women, in violation of Title IX,” the letter stated.

The letter said since Yale receives federal financial assistance from the Department, the OCR can investigate it pursuant to Title IX, which establishes that “No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.”

SOM spokespeople declined to comment on the school’s use of federal funding.

This is not the first time Yale has come under investigation from the DOE. In February, the department opened an investigation into the University’s alleged failure to report foreign funding.

Perry told the News that he has filed 237 complaints alleging Title IX violations in higher education. He stated that around 100 of his complaints have resulted in civil rights investigations, and, out of those, 30 had resolutions in his favor.

“My goal is to advance civil rights and Title IX for all (and not just some) in higher education expose the systemic sexism that is tolerated and promoted at hundreds of colleges and universities in the US,” Perry wrote in an email to the News.

Perry said that most “sex-specific, single-sex, female-only” programs violate Title IX unless a university offers equivalent male-only programs. He alleges that since Yale SOM excludes men and denies them from these program and their benefits, Yale is discriminating against men based on their sex as they deny men the same educational opportunities offered to women.

There are three ways to resolve Title IX violations for sex-specific programs, Perry told the News. If the OCR finds that SOM’s programs do violate Title IX regulations, SOM will have to discontinue its single-sex programs, open the programs up to all genders or create equivalent male-only programs.

After spending more than 25 years in higher education as a professor, Perry said, he became increasingly aware of what he calls systemic sexism in higher education. Starting around 2016, he claims to have started “a one-man mission to expose what are not just illegal violations of civil rights laws, but are what [he thinks] are violations of basic principles of social justice, fairness and equity.”

“Title IX enforcement has been applied selectively for decades,” Perry wrote, “and it is my goal to end the double-standard for enforcement and protect the civil rights of all students, faculty and staff in higher education, not just some students, faculty and staff.”

A total of 549 men and 399 women enrolled in SOM for the 2019-2020 academic year, according to the University’s Office of Institutional Research.

Julia Brown | julia.k.brown@yale.edu

Julia Bialek | julia.bialek@yale.edu

Categories
Campus Scholarships Sex Stereotyping Sexual Harassment Title IX Title IX Equity Project

PR: Recent Central Oklahoma Resolution Agreement Highlights Problem of Widespread Title IX Non-Compliance

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Recent Central Oklahoma Resolution Agreement Highlights Problem of Widespread Title IX Non-Compliance

WASHINGTON / October 13, 2020 – A recent Resolution Agreement between the federal Office for Civil Rights and the University of Central Oklahoma reveals continuing problems with Title IX compliance on college campuses. In this case, the University offered a “Computer Forensics Summer Academy and STEM CareerBuilder for Girls” that stated the program was “unavailable for male students.” The Resolution Agreement was signed by UCO president Patti Neuhold-Ravikumar on September 30 (1).

The UCO Resolution Agreement highlights the problem of widespread sex bias at colleges across the country in the areas of sex-specific programs, female-only scholarships, Title IX regulatory compliance, and sex stereotyping:

Sex-Specific Programs: Professor Mark Perry has filed 231 complaints to date with the Office for Civil Rights alleging Title IX violations, among which the Office for Civil Rights has already opened 80 investigations. His complaints address a broad gamut of sex-specific programs, including female-only STEM academies, leadership development efforts, gym exercise hours, study lounges, and more (1).

Female-Only Scholarships: Over the past two years, the SAVE Title IX Equity Project has identified hundreds of scholarships that are reserved for female students. For example, the University of Missouri-Columbia offers 70 female-specific scholarships, and only one male-specific scholarship. To date, the Office for Civil Rights has opened 121 investigations into these sex-discriminatory scholarships (2). These biased offerings have attracted extensive media attention (3).

Title IX Regulatory Compliance: The new Title IX regulation, which became effective on August 14, was designed to end sex bias against students accused of sexual harassment. One recent review concluded that some colleges have sought to evade the new Title IX requirements, such as cross-examination by an advisor. But at the University of St. Thomas, for example, investigators are instructed to make credibility determinations before the accused student has a meaningful chance to defend himself (4). To date, SAVE has filed OCR complaints against 15 colleges alleging failure to post their Title IX training materials.

Sex Stereotyping: Title IX has long been understood to address the problem of sex-based stereotyping (5). For example, the new Department of Education regulation advises that any Title IX training materials “must not rely on sex stereotypes.” (6)

Many universities offer courses that examine topics such as “patriarchy,” which has been defined as an “unjust social system that subordinates, discriminates or is oppressive to women.” (7) According to one widely used college textbook, patriarchy causes “women everywhere [to] suffer restrictions, oppression and discrimination.” (8) The fashioners of such “unjust social systems” are purported to be males. Such depictions serve to stereotype male students.

Following are examples of such negative stereotypes:

  • Georgetown University professor Christine Fair recently published a guidebook titled “Wanted: Smash Patriarchy.” The front cover of the book depicts the silhouette of a man (9).
  • Five University of Massachusetts professors have blamed patriarchy for women’s mental “fragmentation.” (10)
  • Michael Olenick enrolled in a Women’s Studies course at the University of Minnesota, where he reportedly was lectured on “theories about world conspiracies dedicated to repressing and exploiting women.”

A recent Executive Order authorizes the Department of Education and other federal agencies to suspend funding to any institution that promotes concepts that “an individual, by virtue of his or her race or sex, is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive.” (11)

College presidents and other administrators need to assure Title IX compliance and to assure curricular offerings avoid sex stereotypes.

Links:

  1. https://www.aei.org/carpe-diem/another-victory-from-my-efforts-to-advance-civil-rights-and-challenge-systemic-sexism-in-higher-education/
  2. http://www.saveservices.org/equity/scholarships/
  3. http://www.saveservices.org/equity/
  4. https://www.mindingthecampus.org/2020/09/18/comply-evade-violate-three-responses-to-the-new-title-ix/
  5. https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/lgbt.html
  6. https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/titleix-regs-unofficial.pdf 45(b)(1)(iii)
  7. http://learnwhr.org/wp-content/uploads/D-Facio-What-is-Patriarchy.pdf
  8. Feminist Frontiers IV https://www.amazon.com/Feminist-Frontiers-IV-Verta-Taylor/dp/0070523797 , page 1.
  9. https://www.thequint.com/voices/opinion/metoo-movement-men-allies-fighting-misogyny-patriarchy
  10. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Gendered-subjects-%3A-the-dynamics-of-feminist-Culley-Portuges/a209c3a1c235f21cc18ea0df9811e9093d8e8e95
  11. https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-combating-race-sex-stereotyping/
Categories
Campus Civil Rights Due Process Law & Justice Legal Sexual Assault Title IX

Attacking due process on campus might be Joe Biden’s most glaring hypocrisy

The hypocrisy of Joe Biden’s 2020 platform is sometimes even more infuriating than its substance.

He’s chosen to run as an anti-police, empty-the-jails “social justice” warrior despite boasting for decades about how he wanted to “lock the SOBs up” and how he’s been integral to “every major crime bill since 1976.” He’s also running as a “Made in America” nationalist despite having led the charge to flood America with cheap Chinese goods and admit the People’s Republic into the World Trade Organization.

There are numerous other examples, but none is so galling as Biden promising to deny college students accused of sexual misconduct even the most basic due process rights. The kangaroo courts that he wants to mandate by law on college campuses would already have heard enough from his own sexual assault accuser, former staffer Tara Reade, to destroy his life. It’s a good thing for Joe Biden that he’s a 77-year-old politician — and therefore entitled to face his accusers and question their credibility — instead of a 19-year-old college student.

Earlier this year, Biden promised a “quick end” to a Title IX rule implemented by education secretary Betsy DeVos, claiming that it “gives colleges a green light to ignore sexual violence and strip survivors of their rights.” In reality, it does no such thing. It does not provide college students accused of sexual harassment anywhere near the rights guaranteed to criminal defendants in the U.S. Constitution. It does not require alleged victims to come face-to-face with the people they accuse. It didn’t even reach the standard that Democrats demanded for Biden when he himself was accused of sexual assault. It merely requires schools to set consistent standards, inform the accused of the evidence against them, and allow the accused to cross-examine the witnesses — through a third party if necessary — who are providing evidence against them.

In fact, the only reason Secretary DeVos had to issue those regulations affirming the barest minimum standard of due process rights — rights that still fall well short of what would be required in any criminal proceeding — is that the Obama-Biden administration wrote a letter in 2011 threatening colleges and universities with a total withdrawal of federal funding unless they deprived the accused of virtually all rights in sexual assault and harassment complaints.

Contrary to the pablum the Biden campaign has served up to appease campus feminists, Secretary DeVos was hardly the only person to notice that the Obama-Biden threat letter was outrageous and likely unconstitutional. Almost as soon as it went into effect, young men who had their reputations and academic careers destroyed in proceedings that wouldn’t pass muster in traffic court started to sue.

In case after case, the federal courts tore so deeply into the policies the Obama-Biden administration demanded of colleges that they almost certainly could never be implemented legally in any public university, let alone serve as a prerequisite for funding by the Department of Education. In fact, one of the many decisions specifically citing the 2011 letter as possible evidence of unlawful discrimination was penned for a unanimous, all-woman panel by Judge Amy Coney Barrett, President Trump’s latest nominee to serve on the Supreme Court.

Joe Biden himself should be glad about that. While he’s no longer in college, he should be eager to see a woman on the Supreme Court who understands that, in America, everyone is entitled to know who is accusing him of what and to confront the evidence against him. Despite his intense need to pander to those who believe that a mere accusation should be enough to kick men out of colleges, take their scholarships, and make them unemployable, Joe Biden deserves the same due process as the rest of us.

Jenna Ellis (@JennaEllisEsq) is a constitutional law attorney and the senior legal adviser for the Trump 2020 campaign. She is the author of The Legal Basis for a Moral Constitution.

https://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2020/10/attacking_due_process_on_campus_might_be_joe_bidens_most_glaring_hypocrisy.html#.X3-FPHDiTIk.mailto

Categories
#MeToo Civil Rights Department of Education Discrimination Due Process Legal Office for Civil Rights Scholarships Sex Stereotyping Title IX Title IX Equity Project Training

Public University Stops Banning Males From Federally Funded Program to Resolve Federal Investigation

Allowed to avoid admitting guilt for violating Title IX

 

The University of Central Oklahoma received nearly $831,000 in federal taxpayer dollars to run a computer and STEM camp for high schoolers that violated Title IX.

Following a complaint by University of Michigan-Flint economist Mark Perry, whose side gig is challenging educational programs that exclude disfavored groups (usually males and whites), the program is nominally accepting all students, not just girls.

Also a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, Perry wrote on his blog Monday that the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights informed him of the resolution at UCO.

By his count, 27 of his 231 complaints have been resolved “in my favor,” with more than 80 still under investigation by OCR. He expects all of them to end in his favor too, “given the clarity” of Title IX “and the clear violations” by colleges.

Originally described as a “Computer Forensics Program & an Education-Career Pathway for Girls,” according to its National Science Foundation grant page, the program repeatedly emphasized that it was only for girls. Perry said the university’s website for the program just recently removed application language that explicitly said the program is “unavailable for male students.”

An image of the original page with the word “Girls” in the title and description is still available from its website, though the application page that explicitly excludes male students does not appear to be cached anywhere The College Fix could find. The illegal program was funded by corporate sponsors and partners including Apple, IBM, Inciter, CGI and Stelar.

Perry said he learned about the program through the parents of a high school boy who wanted to apply but saw the no-males language on the application page. The economist filed the complaint under his own name – as he always does – to protect their anonymity.

The taxpayer-funded university has removed all sex-specific language from the content of the website, though it still only shows girls and its domain is still ComputerAcademyforGirls.com. Perry said OCR told him the federal office is “still in the monitoring stage” for the university to comply with the “Voluntary Resolution Agreement,” which requires UCO to “eliminate any suggestion” that the program is “for a single sex.”

Perry noted that UCO President Patti Neuhold-Ravikumar herself signed the agreement, which “seems to be an indication of the seriousness of violating federal civil rights laws.” (He posted images of the two-page print agreement, dated Sept. 30.)

As with other OCR resolutions, however, UCO was allowed to avoid admitting guilt and it won’t face any financial penalties, he continued:

Perhaps that’s why so many universities knowingly violate Title IX — the worst-case scenario is that they get caught like UCO, make the necessary corrections to their Title IX violations so that they don’t jeopardize their federal funding, but without any serious consequences and without actually even having to admit to the violation!??

The economist also denounced the National Science Foundation for funding “hundreds” of programs that exclude males at colleges, including the College of William and Mary and University of Wisconsin System:

And most of the time, hundreds of violations of Title IX like UCO’s go undetected and unreported, often because those who are aware of the violations are unwilling to complain or report the violation, out of fear of retaliation, to the university’s Title IX office or the Office for Civil Rights.

Perry said OCR has notified him of five more investigations opened into his complaints in the past month, against the University of Virginia, Florida Gulf Coast University, University of South Alabama, Youngstown State University and University of Maryland. All are offering programs reserved for females.

UVA’s program is one of “several dozen” programs for “female leadership/entrepreneurship/negotiation” that illegally exclude men, he said, naming 20 other colleges with such programs against which he has filed complaints.

Source: https://www.thecollegefix.com/public-university-stops-banning-males-from-federally-funded-program-to-resolve-federal-investigation/

Categories
Civil Rights Law & Justice Legal Title IX Uncategorized

Court Rules University of Colorado-Boulder May Have Violated Student’s Due Process Rights

The University of Colorado-Boulder’s (CU) refusal to allow “live adversarial questioning” in a sexual misconduct proceeding may violate an expelled student’s due process rights, a federal judge ruled last week.

Colorado District Court previously denied summary judgment to CU Boulder on multiple due process grounds: (1) Propriety of single-investigator model, (2) lack of hearing, (3) lack of cross-examination, and (4) withholding information.

The taxpayer-funded university will have to explain to U.S. District Judge William Martinez at a December bench trial why it didn’t give Girolamo Messeri, an Italian student, “a hearing before a neutral arbitrator” in his Title IX case.

On single-investigator model and right to hearing, the court notes: Requiring a hearing before a neutral arbitrator would also reduce the risk of error….providing a fresh perspective on any credibility determinations and decrease the likelihood that a party would be erroneously found responsible. It continues, “A reasonable fact-finder could thus find that the University’s failure to provide (student) a hearing before a neutral arbitrator violated his procedural due process.

Judge Martinez stated CU violated the student’s due process by not allowing cross-examination of his accuser and witnesses.

In his decision, the judge gave a remarkably blunt conclusion on cross-examination: The Supreme Court has stated that “cross-examination is the principal means by which the believability of a witness and the truth of his testimony are tested.”

He continued: This is a classic ‘he said, she said’ case that turns almost entirely on witness credibility. Without live adversarial questioning, Plaintiff cannot probe the witnesses’ stories to test their memories or potential ulterior motives, or to observe the witnesses’ demeanor. Plaintiff has a substantial interest in avoiding expulsion and continuing his education. The university’s interest in limiting procedural safeguards relating to student’s hearing rights are less evident. Although the University correctly points out that it has an interest in avoiding ‘converting its classrooms to courtrooms’ to referee cross-examination amongst students and their representatives, this interest truly pales in comparison to the risk of error which may result in the wrongful expulsion of a student.

The judge was also stunned by the University’s excuse for hiding the identity of a key witness. CU-Boulder simply claimed that constitutional due process does not promise accused students “every piece of evidence they desire,” and it cited an irrelevant appeals court decision from a case where opposing witnesses openly testified. Martinez disagreed with the University. Since the witness known as “W1” didn’t testify in front of Messeri, he was “effectively deprived of an opportunity to discover any inconsistencies…that were not plainly evident” in the evidence summary given to Messeri. The judge concluded: “Disclosure of key witnesses’ names provides a minimal burden on the University. The probative value of the information and risk of erroneous deprivation, however, is potentially substantial.”

The next step in the litigation is a trial preparation conference scheduled for Nov. 13. The December bench trial will not include the student’s gender-bias claim, which was previously rejected by Martinez.

The university expelled Messeri in December 2016 after finding that he forced a female who was not a student at CU to perform oral sex on him in September. She did not notify CU Boulder administrators of her allegations, but rather reported Messeri to campus police, who interviewed “Jane Doe” three times over six weeks and Messeri once. While Messeri was charged with sexual assault, the Boulder District Attorney’s Office dismissed the case because “it did not believe it could get a guilty verdict at trial.”

Messeri is seeking both damages and erasure of his expulsion from his transcript.

Categories
Civil Rights Department of Justice Due Process Law & Justice Legal Sexual Assault Title IX

Amy Coney Barrett Could Change Campus Sexual Assault Rules Forever

Amy Coney Barrett, President Donald Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, could have a huge impact on how campus sexual assault cases are handled if appointed to the nation’s highest court.

Experts told Newsweek how Barrett’s appointment could affect Title IX after she wrote an appellate decision last year that made it easier for students accused of committing campus sexual assaults to challenge their university’s handling of the cases.

Title IX is the landmark civil rights law passed as part of the Education Amendments of 1972, aimed at protecting students from discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal financial assistance.

A spokesperson for the University of Notre Dame, where Barrett is on the faculty, directed inquiries to the White House.

In a statement, a White House spokesperson said: “In Doe v. Purdue, Judge Barrett understood the importance of fair procedures for campus sexual misconduct proceedings and that Title IX protects both men and women from sex discrimination in such proceedings. In addition, Judge Barrett’s approach has been favorably cited by the Third, Sixth, and Eighth circuits.”

Barrett’s decision in Purdue University case

Last year, Barrett wrote an influential unanimous three-judge panel decision in the case of John Doe v. Purdue University for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit—a case involving students, identified only as Jane and John Doe, at the university in West Lafayette, Indiana.

Jane alleged her boyfriend had sexually assaulted her on two occasions in November 2015. John later filed a federal lawsuit against the university, arguing it had used constitutionally flawed procedures to determine his guilt. He also claimed the school had violated Title IX when it expelled him and took away his Navy ROTC scholarship.

In her decision, Barrett concluded Purdue’s process had been unfair and that the university may have discriminated against John based on his sex.

According to a summary of the case in the ruling, based on John’s account, Jane and John had been students in Purdue’s Navy ROTC program when they started dating in the fall of 2015. They had consensual sex between 15 and 20 times between October and December that year.

In December, Jane attempted suicide in front of John and they stopped dating after he later reported the attempt to the university. A few months later, during the university’s Sexual Assault Awareness Month, Jane accused John of sexually assaulting her on two occasions.

She alleged that she had been sleeping with John in his room in November 2015 when she woke to him groping her over her clothes without her consent. She said she had told him it was not okay.

Jane also alleged that John then confessed he had digitally penetrated her while the two were sleeping in Jane’s room earlier that month. John denied all of Jane’s allegations.

She never filed a formal complaint or testified about the alleged assaults, but the university pursued the case on her behalf, according to Barrett’s decision.

“The case against him boiled down to a ‘he said/she said’—Purdue had to decide whether to believe John or Jane,” Barrett wrote.

Barrett criticized Katherine Sermersheim, the university’s dean of students and Title IX co-ordinator, who allegedly sided with Jane without speaking to her. “It is plausible that Sermersheim and her advisors chose to believe Jane because she is a woman and to disbelieve John because he is a man,” Barrett wrote.

She added: “Sermersheim’s explanation for her decision (offered only after her supervisor required her to give a reason) was a cursory statement that she found Jane credible and John not credible.

“Her basis for believing Jane is perplexing, given that she never talked to Jane. Indeed, Jane did not even submit a statement in her own words.”

Barrett also cited the university’s alleged mistakes in the handling of the case, saying John was not allowed to view the investigators’ report and had been handed a redacted version only moments before his disciplinary hearing.

According to Barrett’s ruling, John learned that it falsely claimed he had confessed to Jane’s allegations and did not mention that John had reported Jane’s suicide attempt to the university.

“Two members of the panel candidly stated that they had not read the investigative report,” Barrett wrote. “The one who apparently had read it asked John accusatory questions that assumed his guilt. Because John had not seen the evidence, he could not address it. He reiterated his innocence and told the panel about some of the friendly texts that Jane had sent him after the alleged assaults.”

Jane did not appear before the disciplinary panel or submit a written statement, the decision said. Instead, a written summary of her allegations was submitted by the Center for Advocacy, Response, and Education (CARE), a campus group dedicated to supporting victims of sexual violence.

The group posted an article from The Washington Post titled “Alcohol isn’t the cause of campus sexual assault. Men are” on Facebook the same month John was disciplined, Barrett wrote in the ruling.

The university’s disciplinary panel also did not allow John to present witnesses, Barrett wrote, which included a male roommate who was reportedly in the room at the time of the alleged assault and disputed Jane’s account.

Barrett concluded the university’s process “fell short of what even a high school must provide to a student facing a days-long suspension.”

“John received notice of Jane’s allegations and denied them, but Purdue did not disclose its evidence to John. And withholding the evidence on which it relied in adjudicating his guilt was itself sufficient to render the process fundamentally unfair,” she wrote.

“It is particularly concerning that Sermersheim and the committee concluded that Jane was the more credible witness—in fact, that she was credible at all—without ever speaking to her in person.”

Barrett also said that John’s claims of sex discrimination were bolstered by the pressure put on schools and university by the Obama administration to tackle sexual assault and harassment on campus.

Because the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights had opened two investigations into Purdue in 2016, the pressure on the university to demonstrate compliance “was far from abstract,” Barrett wrote. “That pressure may have been particularly acute for Sermersheim, who, as a Title IX coordinator, bore some responsibility for Purdue’s compliance.”

The lawsuit remains unresolved and John still needs to prove he was discriminated on the basis of his sex to win his Title IX claim before a jury.

How Barrett’s decision could change campus sexual assault rules

Andrew Miltenberg, an attorney representing John, told Newsweek that Barrett’s ruling “set a standard by which [schools] have to hold themselves during an investigation.”

He added that it “not only recognized that there are procedural due process issues, which have to be preserved for someone accused, regardless of what they’re accused of but it also accepted the fact that it’s possible that, whether it’s an investigator, a hearing officer, or a campus culture, there can be bias within the system based on gender and based on a male being the accused.”

Miltenberg added: “We’re not at the point where a judge can decide whether we have enough evidence to win the case, that’s what the discovery process is for, but we are at a point for a judge to recognize that there is a basis for these allegations.”

According to The Washington Post, Purdue University filed a counterclaim in June asking the court to declare Doe’s misconduct violated university policy and that the university was acting within its rights when it suspended him.

Tim Doty, a spokesman for the university, said in a statement to Newsweek: “While Purdue believes in its process and decision-making, we recognize the appellate court was bound by legal procedure to accept each of John Doe’s allegations as true and did not have the benefit of a full evidentiary record when it decided the case.

“That evidentiary record is currently being developed in the district court, and the university looks forward to the opportunity to present its full defense of this matter at the appropriate time and in the appropriate venue.”

Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s views on Title IX

The late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who Barrett would be replacing if confirmed, has spoken about due process for those accused of sexual misconduct—and said she believed criticism of some college codes of conduct on the matter was valid.

“The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that,” Ginsburg told The Atlantic in 2018.

“Recognizing that these are complaints that should be heard. There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

Asked about how to balance due process with the need for increased gender equality, Ginsburg replied: “It’s not one or the other. It’s both. We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally.”

Brett Sokolow, a consultant who advises schools and universities on compliance with Title IX, says Barrett’s opinion in Purdue would make it easier for accused students to bring civil litigation against universities.

“If an erroneous outcome case makes it to the Supreme Court, Barrett as the author of Doe v. Purdue University, would be a likely vote in favor of the “plausible inference” standard,” he told Newsweek.

“Setting up the kind of circuit split the Supreme Court likes to referee, other circuits seem to follow a pleading standard that makes it harder for a respondent in a campus sexual assault case to prove the outcome of the campus case was infected with sex bias.

“Barrett’s lowering of that standard in Purdue, if adopted by the Supreme Court, would make it much easier for respondents to sue and move their cases forward through motions to dismiss and perhaps summary judgment. They still have to prove sex bias at trial, but Barrett’s opinion in Purdue greatly simplifies the ways that respondents can prove disparate treatment under Title IX.”

“Drastically rolls back protections for student survivors”

Sokolow noted that Barrett’s appointment to the Supreme Court could also significantly affect Title IX in other ways.

He said Kollaritsch v. Michigan State University Board of Trustees is likely headed to the Supreme Court. “This case is fundamental to the future of Title IX, and will decide whether post-harassment or assault is required for deliberate indifference liability under Title IX,” he explained.

“The key question is once sexual harassment and/or assault takes place, and a school is deliberately indifferent to it, does it have to lead to a second act of sexual harassment or assault for liability to result? Barrett would be a likely “yes” vote in a decision that would significantly narrow the Court’s previous precedent in Davis v. Monroe County.”

The Supreme Court’s ruling in that case held that schools may be liable under Title IX if their response to a known act of student-on-student sexual harassment was “deliberately indifferent.”

Emily Martin, the vice president of education and workplace justice at National Women’s Law Center, told Newsweek that it was “deeply troubling” that a school’s commitment to taking sexual misconduct seriously had been suggested by Barrett as evidence of bias against men in the Purdue case.

“It’s a deeply troubling prospect that an icon of gender equality like Justice Ginsburg could be replaced with a judge who is eager to use sex discrimination laws in order to attack efforts to forward gender equality,” she said.

“It is no surprise the same administration that is doing everything it can to silence student survivors would put forward a nominee who goes out of her way to endorse this backwards and harmful view of Title IX.”

Martin’s was referring to changes to the Department of Education’s Title IX rules by Secretary Betsy DeVos that give a number of protections to those accused of sexual assault on college campuses, which came into effect in August.

They new guidelines narrow the definition of what can be deemed sexual harassment and require in-person cross-examinations between alleged perpetrators and their accusers.

Know Your IX, a political advocacy group, said the move “drastically rolls back protections for student survivors and makes it easier for schools to sweep sexual harassment under the rug.”

K.C. Johnson, a history professor at Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center described Barrett’s decision in the Purdue case as the “single most consequential ruling in the area.” He told the Post that it had set a fair, simplified standard that has since been adopted by other circuit courts covering 22 states as well as the federal district court in Washington, D.C.

But Alexandra Brodsky, a staff attorney at Public Justice, a nonprofit legal advocacy organization, told Newsweek: “If Judge Barrett’s approach in Doe v. Purdue were to become the law of the land, though, schools and civil rights agencies would be in a terrible bind:

“By her logic, any efforts to enforce the rights of survivors and other marginalized people are evidence of bias against men and other dominant groups. That is wrong as a matter of law and reality. Students of all genders—men included—benefit when schools respect victims’ rights under Title IX.”

In a recent blog post, Brodsky wrote that Barrett’s opinion in John Doe v. Purdue University was “troubling” because the ruling “turned a sex discrimination statute on its head, using a law meant to prevent and address sexual assault to promote impunity for that very same behavior.”

She said while Barrett’s decision on due process in the case may “may well have been right,” the ruling on the Title IX claim is not only wrong, but “disturbing.”

“Even by Doe’s own account, there was no evidence the school had suspended him because of his sex, as required to state a claim under Title IX,” according to Brodsky.

One of the most disturbing aspects of Barrett’s decision is that “it treats the Department of Education’s efforts to enforce survivors’ Title IX rights as evidence of anti-male bias,” she said.

“Yet Judge Barrett relied on evidence that the school was trying to do right by survivors as evidence that it discriminated against men specifically. That will discourage schools from meaningfully addressing sexual violence, since doing so may—according to Purdue’s funhouse mirror vision of Title IX—justify a suspended student’s suit.”

She said, by Purdue’s logic, any attempt to combat discrimination “will instead serve to protect people who discriminate from consequences for their actions—consequences that may be necessary to root out injustice.”

This article has been updated with a statement from a White House spokesperson.

https://www.newsweek.com/amy-coney-barrett-appointment-campus-sex-assault-1534575

Categories
Campus Due Process Law & Justice Legal Title IX

Sex, Due Process and Amy Coney Barrett

Three other appellate courts followed her 2019 Title IX opinion—a mark of her quality as a jurist.

 

Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination likely will bring renewed attention to the issue of Title IX litigation filed by students accused of sexual misconduct on campus. As a judge on the Seventh U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, Ms. Barrett wrote a 2019 decision that revolutionized how courts consider Title IX claims from accused students. Lawsuits in this area have multiplied since 2011 guidance from the Obama administration, which pressed universities to adopt biased procedures to favor accusers, hoping that doing so would increase reporting of campus allegations. Several other courts of appeals embraced Judge Barrett’s standard, which now applies to claims in 22 states. Beyond its importance to Title IX law, the opinion speaks to Judge Barrett’s quality as a jurist.

The case involved a relationship between two Purdue University students that ended after the male student reported his girlfriend’s suicide attempt to school officials. Four months later, the female student claimed that before they broke up, her boyfriend had sexually assaulted her as she slept. She had a campus victims’ rights group write her statement and then declined to appear at the Title IX hearing. A three-member university panel nonetheless found her claims credible, despite never hearing directly from her.

The panelists based their decision on an investigative report that the accused student said university officials refused to let him see. Their decision cost the accused student his ROTC scholarship and a potential career in the Navy. His case eventually came before a panel of Judges Barrett, Diane Sykes and Amy St. Eve in September 2018. Judge Barrett wrote its unanimous 30-page ruling nine months later.

The opinion was noteworthy for three reasons. First, it devised a new standard—both simpler and fairer—for courts to evaluate Title IX claims filed by accused students. The previous standard, offered by the Second Circuit in 1994, required accused students to jump through doctrinal hoops to raise a plausible claim. Courts would first establish whether a wrongful finding of guilt might have occurred, then search for sex discrimination elsewhere in the process, rather than evaluating the college’s adjudication as a whole.

Judge Barrett’s opinion dispensed with all this. Instead, she returned to the text of the statute, and instructed courts to ask a simple question: “do the alleged facts, if true, raise a plausible inference that the university discriminated against [the accused student] ‘on the basis of sex’?” The Purdue panel answered that question in the affirmative, citing the combination of the student’s likely innocence, the university’s procedural irregularities, and possible sex bias by the organization that drafted the accuser’s statement.

Second, the quality of the opinion has given it an outsize impact. In the past four months, three other appeals courts have adopted the Purdue test for Title IX lawsuits in states under their jurisdiction. Citing the Purdue opinion, Judge Raymond Kethledge of the Sixth Circuit argued in a June decision that an Oberlin College accused student’s “strongest evidence is perhaps the merits of the decision itself in his case,” since in a Title IX case where a school finds a seemingly innocent student guilty, “the merits of the decision itself, as a matter of common sense, can support an inference of sex bias.”

In September, the Eighth Circuit, also using the Purdue standard, issued a similar ruling in a case involving a University of Arkansas student whose guilty finding the court described as “unexplained” based on the record. And the Third Circuit explained that Judge Barrett’s proposed “straightforward pleading standard . . . hews most closely to the text of Title IX.” Given that Supreme Court opinions must not only decide the case before them but also provide clear guidance for lower courts, it’s significant that other appeals courts are adopting the Purdue opinion’s reasoning.

Judge Barrett devised a standard that protects likely innocent students, giving priority to the text of the statute itself to produce a simpler test for courts to follow. It is an impressive accomplishment.

Finally, the Purdue opinion rebuts criticism of Judge Barrett as a jurist focused on outcomes and blinded by ideology. The accused student also alleged that Purdue violated his constitutional rights, including by denying him the chance to cross-examine his accuser. Such claims are common in Title IX litigation; after the Obama administration “strongly” discouraged cross-examinations, most universities barred them.

The Purdue case provided an almost perfect fact pattern for a judge eager to impose a cross-examination requirement. Yet Judge Barrett’s opinion held that because Purdue’s conduct might have violated the student’s rights on more clearly defined questions—insufficient notice of the evidence against him, and possibly a “sham” hearing—the court didn’t need to address the cross-examination issue. Judge Barrett exercised judicial restraint.

As Nancy Gertner, a Harvard law professor and a former federal judge, recently observed, “Judges of all stripes around the country have been concerned with fairness in these proceedings.” It’s unlikely that Judge Barrett’s nomination will rise or fall on her decision to join scores of her colleagues in issuing a ruling favorable to a student accused of sexual misconduct. But to the extent that concerns such as intellectual quality or judicial temperament still play a role in the confirmation process, Judge Barrett’s Purdue opinion should serve her well.

Mr. Johnson is a co-author of “The Campus Rape Frenzy: The Attack on Due Process at America’s Universities.”

https://www.wsj.com/articles/sex-due-process-and-amy-coney-barrett-11601507741

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

For College Students, Due Process Is on the Ballot

The new Department of Education Title IX regulation implementing much-needed reforms for sexual harassment and misconduct on college campuses is barely a month old, but could already see a short lifespan. Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has vowed a “quick end” to the reforms if elected, stating that they “give colleges a green light to ignore sexual violence and strip survivors of their rights.”

A return to the wild West form of justice on college campuses would be a travesty. For nearly 10 years, hundreds of students and faculty have been subjected to unfair campus disciplinary hearings. Since 2011, when the controversial “Dear Colleague Letter” on sexual violence was released, 647 lawsuits have been filed against universities, thousands of student transcripts have been permanently stamped with “expulsion” or “suspension,” and countless professors have been fired or censured. There is no limit to the trauma and emotional abuse these persons have experienced.

Instead of referring allegations of criminal sexual assault to local police, campus disciplinary committees were told to handle these cases. It was an experiment that went terribly wrong. Survivors were betrayed by complacent administrators; the accused were disenfranchised of their due process rights; and faculty members were silenced by overly broad definitions of sexual harassment. All of this came at a cost of many millions of dollars. The Department of Education reported that following release of the “Dear Colleague Letter” as the guiding principal for Title IX cases, the number of complaints to the Office of Civil Rights increased nearly five-fold, from 17,724 (2000-2010) to 80,739 (2011-2020). More than 150 lawsuits filed against universities over Title IX proceedings have ruled in favor of the accused students.

A “Faculty Resolution in Support of the Prompt Restoration of Free Speech and Due Process on Campus” was signed by more than 260 higher education faculty members from 43 states, representing a broad range of disciplinary backgrounds and political persuasions. The resolution concluded with an urgent appeal: “The undersigned professors call on lawmakers and university administrators to assure the prompt implementation of new policies that will clarify grievance procedures, enhance free speech, and embrace fairness for all.”

The Department of Education took these accounts and over 124,000 public comments into consideration while drafting the new rule that defines the responsibilities of institutions to respond to allegations of sexual harassment, including sexual assault, under Title IX.
 It clearly defines sexual harassment, restores due process to the accused, and protects survivors during every step of the process.

Most schools, including Amherst College and the University of Colorado-Boulder, have embraced the changes and have responded swiftly to comply with the federal regulation’s posting requirement. The University of Vermont even posted a YouTube video of the training program its staff attended.

Liberals and conservatives both agree the old system is broken and that protections for victims and due process for the accused go hand in hand. The late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg eloquently described this in a 2018 interview with the president and CEO of the National Constitution Center. “The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that. Recognizing that these are complaints that should be heard. There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing,” Ginsburg said. “It’s not one or the other. It’s both. We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally.”

The new Title IX regulation from the Department of Education may not be perfect, but it does provide a roadmap to begin to repair our broken campus kangaroo courts. Vice President Biden should understand that we need national standards that are fair to all students. That is the only way to ensure justice for survivors and due process for the accused.

Ed Bartlett is president of SAVE, an organization founded in 2008 to help lead the national policy movement for fairness and due process on campus, at www.saveservices.org.

https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2020/09/27/for_college_students_due_process_is_on_the_ballot_144310.html

Categories
Civil Rights Department of Education Department of Justice Due Process False Allegations Investigations Legal Office for Civil Rights Sexual Assault Title IX

Ruth Bader Ginsburg Agreed With Amy Coney Barrett That Campus Kangaroo Courts Were a Problem

Federal appeals court Judge Amy Coney Barrett and the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg agreed Title IX code of conduct trials were flawed.

by Jon Miltimore

In 2018, following the nomination of Brett M. Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, President Trump tipped his hand about who he’d be inclined to choose if given the opportunity to fill another vacancy on the high court.

That person, the New York Times observed, was Judge Amy Coney Barrett, a conservative law professor whom Trump tapped for a federal appeals court in 2017.

A week ago, it appeared the chances of Trump filling another Court vacancy in his first term were slim. However, the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died September 18 during her 27th year on the high court just six weeks before the presidential election, means Trump will get the opportunity to send another nomination to the Republican-controlled Senate.

Some sources claim Barrett still has the edge to win the nomination, though Cuban-American federal appellate judge Barbara Lagoa is also generating buzz.

As the Brett Kavanaugh nomination and previous hearings have shown, Supreme Court battles can be nasty, even nastier than typical political battles. There’s little reason to expect the filling of Ginsburg’s seat to be any different—even if it wasn’t coming just weeks before a presidential election—so it’s no surprise to see that news media are already dissecting Barrett’s court opinions.

Just 48 hours after Ginsburg’s death, the Washington Post ran an article on Barrett’s opinion in Doe v. Purdue University, a Title IX—the rule prohibiting sex-discrimination in public education —case involving a Purdue student (John Doe) who was suspended by the university after being accused of sexual assault by a former girlfriend (Jane Doe).

According to John Doe, as described by a court summary of the case, the couple met in Purdue’s Navy ROTC program and started dating in the fall of 2015. They soon began a sexual relationship. In December, Jane attempted to take her own life in front of John. He reported the attempt to the school, and the couple ceased dating.

“A few months later, Jane alleged that in November 2015, while they were sleeping together in his room, she awoke to John groping her over her clothes without consent,” the Washington Post reports. “Jane said she objected and that John told her he had penetrated her with his finger while they were sleeping together earlier that month. John denied the allegations and produced friendly texts from Jane after the alleged November incident.”

These are serious charges that demand a serious appraisal of the facts and due process. But like plaintiffs in Title IX cases—some 600 lawsuits have been filed against universities since Barack Obama’s Education Department issued its “Dear Colleague” letter to schools warning them they’d lose federal funding if they didn’t prioritize complaints of sexual assault—John Doe encountered something else.

Court documents show the hearing resembled a show trial, including a false confession, that resulted in a year-long suspension of John Doe that cost him a spot in the ROTC program.

“Among the university’s alleged missteps cited by the court: John Doe received a redacted copy of investigators’ report on his case only moments before his disciplinary hearing. He discovered that the document did not mention that he had reported Jane’s suicide attempt and falsely asserted that he had confessed to Jane’s allegations,” the Post reports. “Jane Doe did not appear before the university panel that reviewed the investigation; instead, a written summary of her allegations was submitted by a campus group that advocates for victims of sexual violence.”

All of this fits the pattern of the kangaroo courts universities established after the Dear Colleague letter. As Reason has spent the last several years documenting, these cases tend to presume individuals guilty until proven innocent, while depriving them of the due process necessary to prove their innocence.

Barrett is hardly alone in her jurisprudence regarding the importance of due process. As the Post concedes, campus kangaroo courts were widely criticized by civil libertarians across the political divide.

“Judges of all stripes around the country have been concerned with fairness in these proceedings,” said Nancy Gertner, a Harvard Law School professor and retired federal judge appointed by President Clinton.

It was these concerns that prompted US Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos to issue new rules to Title IX hearings in April that strengthened the rights of those accused of sexual misconduct, including the right to cross-examine accusers and preventing investigators from also serving as case judges. (Former Vice President Joe Biden has said he’d reverse Devos’s ruling if elected president, which prompted some to point out that Biden, who like the current president stands accused of sexual assault, would be guilty under the current standard.)

Few would argue that protecting the rights of sexual assault victims is important, but it’s worth noting that among the critics of the previous standard was Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

The Post admits the “feminist icon, surprised some victim’s advocates in a 2018 interview with the Atlantic magazine” when she said many of the criticisms of college codes were legitimate.

“The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that,” Ginsburg said. “There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

Ginsburg is correct that due process and a fair hearing for the accused are fundamental principles of the American system. Yet hundreds of individuals who believe they were denied fair hearings and are seeking redress from universities have found the path difficult due to legal technicalities.

Plaintiffs tend to claim their rights were violated in two ways: 1) the unveristiy violated the plaintiff’s right to due process; 2) the school discriminated against the plaintiff on the basis of sex, violating Title IX.

Prior to Purdue vs. Doe, the Post reports, courts often upheld accused student claims of due process violations “but rejected their Title IX arguments on the grounds that the students had failed a complicated series of legal tests first established in 1994.” Essentially, plaintiffs had to prove not just that their due process rights were violated, but that they were violated on the basis of their sex.

Barrett’s ruling, however, was instrumental in lowering the burden of proof plaintiffs had to show.

“It is plausible that [university officials] chose to believe Jane because she is a woman and to disbelieve John because he is a man,” Barrett wrote in her opinion, citing the political pressure the Obama administration had put on schools to address sexual assault.

Barrett’s opinion was adopted by other courts, and it was this reasoning that caused women’s rights groups to criticize the appellate judge.

Emily Martin of the National Women’s Law Center bristled at the idea of “replacing [Ginsburg] with a judge who is eager to use the language of sex discrimination in order to defend the status quo, and to use the statutes that were created to forward gender equality as swords against that very purpose.”

We’ll never know if Ginsburg would have believed it was plausible to assume that sex played a role in the university show trials that allowed hundreds of people accused of sex crimes to be found guilty without due process or a fair hearing.

What we do know is that on the broader issue of campus kangaroo courts, Ginsburg and Barrett found common ground.

“We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally,” Ginsburg told The Atlantic in 2018.

Indeed. It was for this reason that America’s founders carved out specific protections for the principle, declaring in the Fifth Amendment that no person shall “be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law… .”

Universities have long been able to deny due process to students accused of sexual crimes, because the allegations against them are not criminal charges. This is a grave injustice.

Accusing individuals of heinous sexual misconduct is a serious matter. A verdict of guilt will be carried with students for the rest of their lives and has the potential to impact their career and future earnings, not to mention their reputation. Such matters are far too serious to withhold from the accused fundamental tenets of our system designed to ensure justice and fairness.

Justice Ginsburg and Judge Barrett might have had starkly different constitutional views, but on this basic idea of justice they found common ground.

Jonathan Miltimore is the Managing Editor of FEE.org. His writing/reporting has been the subject of articles in TIME magazine, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Forbes, Fox News, and the Star Tribune.

https://fee.org/articles/ruth-bader-ginsburg-agreed-with-amy-coney-barrett-that-campus-kangaroo-courts-were-a-problem/