Categories
Campus False Allegations Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX Wrongful Convictions

PR: 40-50% of Campus Sexual Assault Allegations Are Unfounded, Revealing Need for Strong Protections of the Innocent

PRESS RELEASE

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

40-50% of Campus Sexual Assault Allegations Are Unfounded, Revealing Need for Strong Protections of the Innocent

WASHINGTON / May 11, 2021 – Analyses of sexual assault allegations at colleges and universities reveal 40-50% are unfounded. Black male students are at especially high risk of being wrongfully accused of sexual misconduct. SAVE urges universities to maintain and strengthen due process protections to assure a reliable determination in campus proceedings.

An early study by Eugene Kanin reported that the police department in a Midwestern city concluded that 41% of 109 rape allegations were false. Kanin then did a follow-up study at two large colleges, concluding that 50% of campus rape complaints were untrue (1).

More recently, Brett Sokolow confirmed, “Probably 40 or 50% of allegations of sexual assault are baseless. There are a lot of cases where someone says they were incapacitated, but the evidence doesn’t support that they weren’t able to make a decision.” (2) Sokolow is the head of the Association of Title IX Administrators (ATIXA), and is regarded as a national expert on sexual assault in the campus setting.

Black male students are at especially high risk of being wrongfully accused of sexual misconduct:

  1. Title IX For All analyzed demographic data from 650 lawsuits filed against colleges. Among the 30% of cases in which the race of the accused student was known, black students are four times as likely as white students to file lawsuits alleging their rights were violated in Title IX disciplinary proceedings (3).
  2. During a 2015 Senate hearing, Harvard Law Professor Janet Halley observed that, “male students of color are accused and punished at ‘unreasonably high rates’ in campus sexual misconduct investigations.” (4)

Colgate University has revealed that black male students represented 50% of all sexual violations reported to the institution, even though black students represent only 4% of all undergraduate students (5). SAVE has compiled numerous case studies of Black students who were wrongfully accused (6).

Activist David Lisak has claimed that only 6% of campus allegations are “false.” (7) But Lisak did not consider the many other reasons why an allegation can be determined to be “unfounded.” Air Force judge advocate Reggie Yager reveals that about 45% of the cases Lisak reviewed did not proceed because there was insufficient evidence, the complainant withdrew from the process, the accuser couldn’t identify the perpetrator, or the allegation did not rise to the level of a sexual assault (8).

In the past, sexual assault activists stated that unfounded accusations were rare. In her book, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, Susan Brownmiller asserted that only 2% of sexual assault cases are false (9). This claim was refuted when it was revealed that her statistic was based on a casual comment made by a judge at a bar association meeting (10). Legal scholar Michelle Anderson likewise reported, “no study has ever been published which sets forth an evidentiary basis for the two percent false rape complaint thesis.” (11)

To reduce the risk of wrongful determinations of campus sexual assault, SAVE calls on college officials to assure impartial investigations, fair adjudications, and the presumption of innocence.

Citations:

  1. https://www.aals.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Bowen-Kanin-False-Rape-Empirical.pdf
  2. https://www.thecentersquare.com/national/legal-experts-say-bidens-pushing-ahead-to-the-obama-past-on-campus-rape-could-be/article_184d1e3a-3fc0-11eb-956d-87947675f52c.html
  3. https://www.titleixforall.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/Plaintiff-Demographics-by-Race-and-Sex-Title-IX-Lawsuits-2020-7-6.pdf
  4. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-114shrg95801/pdf/CHRG-114shrg95801.pdf
  5. https://reason.com/2017/09/14/we-need-to-talk-about-black-students-bei/
  6. https://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/complaints-and-lawsuits/
  7. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/12193336/Lisak-False-Allegations-16-VAW-1318-2010.pdf
  8. https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/09/the-uncomfortable-truth-about-campus-rape-policy/538974/
  9. https://www.amazon.com/Against-Our-Will-Women-Rape/dp/0449908208/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=against+our+will&qid=1620224838&sr=8-1
  10. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2216&context=llr
  11. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=555884
Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

How Will Title IX Policies Affect Autistic Students?

How Will Title IX Policies Affect Autistic Students?

By David Golub

May 9, 2021

Dating and relationships can be a challenging aspect for life for many people, but this is especially true for those who are on the autism spectrum.  In addition to the uncertainties that all people face, autistic individuals must confront certain additional questions: Will anyone want to date an unusual person like myself?  How will the physical aspects of a romantic relationship interplay with my sensory integration issues, and will my partner be understanding of any special needs that I may have?  Will she still love me when she learns that I’m autistic?

When the Department of Education’s 2011 “Dear Colleague” letter interpreted Title IX to require that schools investigate and adjudicate allegations of sexual assault, many expressed concern that innocent men had been placed at greater risk of being punished for crimes that they did not commit.  For those of us concerned with issues relating to autism, this begs the question of whether autistic students are disproportionately affected.  While no research has yet been done on this question, there is nonetheless good reason to believe that autistic students are at greater risk than their neurotypical counterparts.

There is one case documented in the press where an autistic student was punished inappropriately.[1]  In 2015, Brian Ferguson, then a student at Navarro College in Texas, saw a woman whom he mistakenly believed to be his friend, even though she was in fact a stranger.  He hugged her and kissed the top of her head.  The school treated this as a sexual assault and kicked him out.

Those unfamiliar with autism will likely not recognize what appears to have happened in this case.  Many autistic people have a neurological deficit known as prosopagnosia in which a person’s ability to recognize and remember the faces of others is severely impaired or, in the most extreme cases, completely missing.  It is not the fault of a person with prosopagnosia if they fail to recognize someone or mistakenly believe that a stranger is someone that they know.  This case should have been treated as an innocent misunderstanding, not as a violent crime.  The school’s failure to do so had the effect of discriminating against Ferguson on the basis of his disability.

There is also good reason for concern that the affirmative consent policies used by many academic institutions may have a disparate impact on autistic students.  Under these policies, both parties must explicitly express their consent prior to any sexual act in order for it to not be held to constitute sexual assault.  While the exact definition of affirmative consent may vary from institution to institution, many policies require that consent must be “enthusiastic”[2][3] in order to be valid or contain provisions that a verbal “yes” does not constitute valid consent if it is contradicted by nonverbal cues.[4]  While supporters of affirmative consent often call it “Yes Means Yes,” this label is highly misleading as “yes” may actually mean “no” if the nonverbal communication does not match.  Sexual consent educator Jaclyn Friedman asserts that “men (and women!) are perfectly capable of understanding social cues, even ones where someone is saying ‘no’ without using that actual word.”[5]

The problem is that this claim simply does not hold for many people on the autism spectrum.  Autistic individuals often have impairments in various forms of nonverbal communication such as facial expressions, tone of voice, and body language.  The semantic and pragmatic aspects of language, sometimes known more informally as “reading between the lines,” are also often an area of challenge.  As such, if a woman says “yes” but signals nonverbally or through the context that she really means “no,” an autistic man may not be able to tell the difference and may genuinely believe that he has consent.  To treat him as guilty of sexual assault in such cases is an injustice.

In seeking to ensure that autistic students are treated fairly under Title IX, it is important to recognize that not all people on the autism spectrum are diagnosed.  While the stereotypical image of autism is a child with a severe developmental disability, often one who is unable to talk, many autistic people are high-functioning and do not receive a diagnosis until adulthood, sometimes many years or even decades into adulthood.[6]

Prosopagnosia, the face recognition deficit discussed above, is not unique to autistic people.  Research has found that as many as 1 in 50 people are born with this deficit, and the overwhelming majority remain undiagnosed.[7]  As such, if we wish to ensure that people with these disabilities are not thrown under the bus, relying on special treatment on the basis of a diagnosis simply won’t cut it.  Our Title IX policies that are used across the board should be designed in a way that won’t subject individuals to being treated as criminals on account of autistic traits.

The Department of Education has initiated a rulemaking process to modify the regulations promulgated under the prior administration.  These regulations substantially improved due process protections, and it is feared that that the changes will bring back many of the unfair policies that were in use under “Dear Colleague” letter.  If so, these changes would be to the detriment of autistic students.

If we are serious about ensuring that all students have equal opportunity to learn, then the needs of autistic students must be taken into account.  This will be best accomplished by further strengthening due process protections.  Schools should be prohibited from using the affirmative consent standard, and they should be required to use a definition of sexual assault that is narrow enough to distinguish between a violent crime and an innocent mistake.  Returning to the failed policies of the past would be a huge step backward.

Citations:

[1] https://www.nbcdfw.com/news/local/student-with-autism-kicked-out-of-college/2101622/

[2] https://uhs.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/hp-consentdiscussionguide.pdf

[3] https://health.columbia.edu/content/consent

[4] https://www.wcsu.edu/womenscenter/definition/got-consent/

[5] https://www.vox.com/first-person/2018/1/19/16907246/sexual-consent-educator-aziz-ansari

[6] https://www.cnn.com/2008/HEALTH/conditions/03/28/autism.essay/index.html

[7] https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2006/06/face-blindness-disorder-may-not-be-so-rare/

Categories
Sexual Assault Title IX

One-Third of Sexual Assault Allegations in Criminal Setting Are Unfounded

One-Third of Sexual Assault Allegations in Criminal Setting Are Unfounded

SAVE

May 7, 2021

Sexual assault activists often make the claim that false allegations of sexual assault are rare.

In her feminist classic, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, Susan Brownmiller claimed that only 2% of sexual assault cases are false (1). This claim was refuted when it was revealed that her statistic was based on a casual comment made by a judge at a bar association meeting (2). Legal scholar Michelle Anderson likewise reported, “no study has ever been published which sets forth an evidentiary basis for the two percent false rape complaint thesis.” (3)

Expanding on the Brownmiller claim, David Lisak and colleagues asserted, “the prevalence of false allegations is between 2% and 10%.” (4). Activist Jessica Valenti likewise avowed that “Only 2 to 10 percent of rape accusations are shown to be false.” (5). The National Sexual Violence Resource Center states on its website, “A review of research finds that the prevalence of false reporting is between 2 percent and 10 percent.” (6)

Unfortunately, discussions of this important topic have been fraught with overt bias, conjecture, and definitional imprecision.

The Department of Justice defines “rape” as: “The penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim.” (7) But discussions on this topic often conflate “rape” with the much broader and often ill-defined term, “sexual assault.”

Equally important is the definition of “unfounded.” The FBI Uniform Crime Reports stipulate that “unfounded” applies when “a complaint that is determined through investigation to be false or baseless. In other words, no crime occurred.” (8)

Definitional difficulties arise from use of the term “false” allegation, which implies an intentional attempt to deceive. Conflating the word “victim” with “complainant,” Lisak et al provide this example (4):

For example, if a victim reports to the police that she was raped while she was intoxicated, and truthfully states that she cannot clearly recall whether there was penetration, investigators might classify such a case as “baseless/unfounded.” This classification is clearly distinct from a case in which a victim deliberately fabricates an account of being raped, yet the “unfounded” category is very often equated with the category of “false allegation.”

Determining whether an allegation is “false” requires a thorough investigation that entails repeated interviews of the complainant, and an assessment of complainant credibility, corroborating evidence, and plausibility of the fact pattern. Thus, an assessment of the falsity of an allegation entails a higher level of subjectivity. Using this more fluid definition, Lisak’s 2010 study concluded that only 5.9% of 136 reported sexual assaults at an American university were false.

Following are the reports that used more traditional assessment methods, arranged in chronological order:

  1. Kanin: A 1994 study by Eugene Kanin, using data from an unidentified Midwestern city, reported that the police department concluded that 41% of 109 rape allegations were false. Unfortunately, Kanin provided limited information about the police department’s methods for classifying cases. Kanin then did a follow-up study at two large Midwestern colleges, concluding that 50% of rape complaints were untrue (9).
  2. Neufeld and Scheck: In 1996, Innocence Project founders Peter Neufeld and Barry Scheck revealed: “FBI officials report that out of roughly 10,000 sexual assault cases since 1989, about 2,000 tests have been inconclusive (usually insufficient high molecular weight DNA to do testing), about 2,000 tests have excluded the primary suspect, and about 6,000 have “matched” or included the primary suspect.” Depending on how one classifies the “inconclusive” DNA results, 20-40% of all sexual assault cases were determined to be unfounded. (10)
  3. Baughman: A 2016 study conducted at a police department in a southeastern state concluded that 25% of the 351 allegations were “unfounded,” with another 54% classified as uncertain. Only 21% of the cases were “Cleared by Arrest,” meaning the police forwarded the case for possible prosecution (11).
  4. Department of Defense: The DOD Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office analyzed sexual assault allegations in the military and found a steady increase in the percentage of cases deemed to be “unfounded” or with “insufficient evidence of any offense to prosecute.” In 2018, the percentage of such cases was 28% out of 2,854 reported cases (12).
  5. Sokolow: Brett Sokolow is the head of the Association of Title IX Administrators (ATIXA) and is regarded as a national expert on sexual assault in the campus setting. In a 2020 interview, Sokolow stated, “Probably 40 or 50% of allegations of sexual assault are baseless. There are a lot of cases where someone says they were incapacitated, but the evidence doesn’t support that they weren’t able to make a decision.” (13)

Despite differing populations, assessment methods (police investigation versus DNA analysis), and geographical scope (national versus local), none of these five analyses remotely confirm the often-voiced claim that only 2-10% of rape accusations are “false.”

Based on the findings of these five analyses, we conclude that approximately one in three sexual assault allegations are unfounded. The one-in-three conclusion is consistent with an earlier review in which commentator Wendy McElroy affirmed, “False accusations are not rare. They are common.” (14)

In two populations, the percentage of unfounded allegations has been found to be higher than the one-in-three number:

  • College Students: As indicated by the Sokolow 40-50% statement, unfounded allegations appear to be more commonplace on college campuses than in the criminal system. This is a result of colleges’ broader definitions, amorphous procedures, and ease with which allegations can be made.
  • Black Men: The National Registry of Exonerations found that “a black prisoner serving time for sexual assault is three-and-a-half times more likely to be innocent than a white sexual assault convict.” (15) Professor Matthew Johnson furthermore reveals, “This increased risk of wrongful conviction is most pronounced in Black defendant/White victim cases, where the prevailing sense of moral violation is commonly heightened among the largely White public.” (16)

In cases of unfounded allegations, the true “victim” is the person falsely accused, not the complainant. SAVE recommends that investigators focus on assessments of the prevalence of sexual assault complaints that are “unfounded,” not “false.” SAVE urges that research on this important topic be informed by precise definitions, well-specified methodologies, and logically supported conclusions.

Citations:

  1. Susan Brownmiller (1975). Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. Fawcett Books. https://www.amazon.com/Against-Our-Will-Women-Rape/dp/0449908208/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=against+our+will&qid=1620224838&sr=8-1
  2. Edward Greer (2000). The Truth behind Legal Dominance Feminism’s Two Percent False Rape Claim Figure, 33 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 947. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2216&context=llr 
  3. Michelle Anderson (2004). The Legacy of the Prompt Complaint Requirement, Corroboration Requirement, and Cautionary Instructions on Campus Sexual Assault. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=555884
  4. David Lisak, Lori Gardiner, Sarah Nicksa, Ashley Cote (2010). False Allegations of Sexual Assault: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases. Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/12193336/Lisak-False-Allegations-16-VAW-1318-2010.pdf
  5. Jessica Valenti (September 8, 2017). Oh Look, Betsy DeVos Is Here to Protect Your Accused Rapist. Marie Claire, (https://www.marieclaire.com/politics/a29293/betsy-devos-rape-victim-rights-announcement/
  6. National Sexual Violence Resource Center (No date). False Reporting. https://www.nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/Publications_NSVRC_Overview_False-Reporting.pdf
  7. Department of Justice (2012). An Updated Definition of Rape. https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/blog/updated-definition-rape
  8. Federal Bureau of Investigation (2004). Uniform crime reporting handbook. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. https://ucr.fbi.gov/additional-ucr-publications/ucr_handbook.pdf/
  9. J. Kanin (1994). False rape allegations. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 23, 81-87. https://www.aals.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Bowen-Kanin-False-Rape-Empirical.pdf
  10. Quoted in Edward Connors, Thomas Lundregan, Neal Miller, and Tom McEwen (1996). Convicted by Juries, Exonerated by Science: Case Studies in the Use of DNA Evidence to Establish Innocence After Trial. Department of Justice. https://www.ncjrs.gov/txtfiles/dnaevid.txt
  11. Benjamin Baughman (2016). A Study of Rape Investigation Files Involving Female Survivors: A Comparison of Allegations Deemed False and Genuine. Table 3.1. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/27856/
  12. Center for Military Readiness (2019). DoD Annual Reports Show Significant Increases in Sexual Assault Accusations Deemed “Unfounded.” https://www.cmrlink.org/data/sites/85/CMRDocuments/SAPROAnalysis-Unfounded_082719.pdf Also see discussion here: https://www.cmrlink.org/issues/full/unfounded-sex-assault-charges-trending-up-in-dod-reports
  13. Richard Bernstein (December 16, 2020). Legal experts say Biden’s pushing ahead to the Obama past on campus rape could be a mistake. The Center Square. https://www.thecentersquare.com/national/legal-experts-say-bidens-pushing-ahead-to-the-obama-past-on-campus-rape-could-be/article_184d1e3a-3fc0-11eb-956d-87947675f52c.html
  14. Wendy McElroy (2006). False Rape Accusations May Be More Common Than Thought. Independent Institute. https://www.independent.org/news/article.asp?id=1719
  15. Samuel Gross, Maurice Possley, Klara Stephens (2017). Race and Wrongful Convictions in the United States. Page iii. https://www.law.umich.edu/special/exoneration/Documents/Race_and_Wrongful_Convictions.pdf
  16. Matthew Johnson (2020). Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault. Oxford University Press. Page 102. https://global.oup.com/academic/product/wrongful-conviction-in-sexual-assault-9780190653057?cc=us&lang=en&
Categories
Title IX

OCR Announces Title IX Public Hearing

OCR Announces Title IX Public Hearing

June 7, 2021—June 11, 2021
Virtual

The U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR) announces a virtual public hearing to gather information for the purpose of improving enforcement of Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972 (Title IX).  OCR seeks comments from the public on steps the Department can take to ensure that schools are providing students with educational environments free from discrimination in the form of sexual harassment, which encompasses sexual assault and other forms of sexual violence.

At the hearing, members of the public may comment on steps the Department can take to ensure that schools are providing students with educational environments free from discrimination in the form of sexual harassment, which encompasses sexual assault and other forms of sexual violence. Members of the public may also comment how the Department can continue to ensure that schools have grievance procedures that provide for the fair, prompt, and equitable resolution of reports of sexual harassment and other sex discrimination, cognizant of the sensitive issues that are often involved.  OCR also seeks the public’s comments on the Department’s role in addressing discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity in educational environments.

Source: https://web.cvent.com/event/ba5eef74-8f35-4a4e-b0a7-1f047fe033bc/summary?link_id=0&can_id=7077f14961b087ba8e67e7324182ff43&source=email-title-ix-public-hearings-were-just-announced-for-june&email_referrer=email_1166177&email_subject=title-ix-public-hearings-were-just-announced-for-june

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Removing or Weakening the Presumption of Innocence in Title IX Proceedings Would Institutionalize ‘Cancel Culture’

Removing or Weakening the Presumption of Innocence in Title IX Proceedings Would Institutionalize ‘Cancel Culture’

Raul Jauregui, Esq.

May 5, 2021

The presumption of innocence, currently enshrined in US law when we face an accusation, makes it fair for everyone because we can state our defense.  This includes any victims, be they man or woman.  In the case of the “DeVos Title IX rules” (Rules), that fairness currently means that when a woman accuses a man of sexual misconduct, and then the man turns around and tells the school “not so, it was actually she who did to my body things I did not permit,” both the woman and the man stand on equal footing to prove their story.  Under the Rules both man and woman can investigate, evaluate, and tell their side of the story because they are both presumed innocent.  That is precious.

But President Biden’s possible rollback of the Rules seeks to take away from all students, be they man or woman, black or white, gay or straight, that precious fairness by assuming guilt according to who accused whom first, that is, by writing “cancel culture” into the law.  That is wrong.  Cancel culture is a private act: People can stop talking to each other in protest all they want, but we cannot pass a law that prevents anyone to tell their side of the story to a school.  Incorporating cancel culture into the Title IX rules by assuming guilt formally silences only one side.  If we do that we engage in discrimination.

I present this fictional scenario, based on my experiences as a Title IX lawyer. to illustrate the risk that cancel culture’s institutionalization of the assumption of guilt would pose for educational fairness:

Because of a sordid history of childhood sexual abuse, Carmela Otolumbi, suffers from Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) (1) and still got admitted to Seaside State University.  But her school’s Title IX staff and classmates do not know she has DID—they only see “Carmela” the 19 year old overachiever, not her DID twin, “Carmela2.0” the 19 year old cruel punisher.  So when Carmela2.0 accuses Pedro Juarez, another student at Seaside, of sexual assault, everyone believes her and Pedro ends up back home, angry, and suspended.  Classic for DID patients, Carmela, the overachiever, suddenly thrives in the attention she receives from everyone.  DID overachievers, after all, deserve what Carmela now has and did not get as a child: #survivor status, special school funding, secure housing of her choice, and the respect of all the women on campus. #respect. Pedro, meanwhile, has gone from pre-med student to car washer.  His life is over. Carmela starts public speaking about her assault experience, about her #seasiderapist (she baptizes him that, hashtag and all), and about how she experiences daily triggers that re-traumatize her, particularly because Pedro remains active on social media.

Carmela2.0, the cruel punisher one, in a classic DID way, cannot stand Pedro’s Insta photos in Cancun.  So she takes her rage to Tiktok and starts a campaign to cancel Pedro. #whodidyourapeinCancun?  Carmela2.0 goes nuclear in her attempt to expel Pedro from Seaside and to, while she is at it, get everyone at Seaside State fired.  #Seasideenoughrape. Carmela2.0, in a DID attack, starts on-line fund raising, publishes her sad fiction on Medium, receives over $10,540.00 for her legal fund, has a rally which she live streams on Instagram, blogs, and makes TikTok cameos.  She’s #woke. Carmela 2.0 does everything she can to cancel Pedro.  And she expects Title IX to do the same: Carmela2.0, as any DID punisher would, demands that everyone believe her word that Pedro is guilty and that this is #theT9law to protect a #TitleIXsurvivor.  Of course, Carmela2.0 never shares as part of her cancel campaign, that Pedro says she raped him, or that she suffers from DID.  Cancel culture is so powerful, though, that Carmela2.0 grins from ear to ear as her followers on Insta explode, #ally and as more and more students at Seaside call out the culture of tolerance that led to her “exploitation” and sign on-line petitions to expel Pedro #expelCarmela’srapist, and to fire everyone in Seaside’s staff.  Why not?!  I mean, #metoo.

Both Carmelas have now cancelled Pedro’s life at Seaside State.  On line, both Carmelas have done away with Pedro’s presumption of innocence.  Because #Seasiderapist brings up Pedro’s Cancun photos, Google tags him, so he moves to a secret home.  Pedro has been found guilty and convicted on social media.  All his friends block him on Insta.  His Tweeter feed is overwhelmed with slurs.  Year-long Snaps with ex friends suddenly end.  Pedro’s Seaside roommate and best witness also drops out of every single chat group and snap because cancel culture makes him the #Seasiderapist #enabler—he, the kid studying religion.  And Seaside State does nothing to cure Pedro’s on–line re-victimization even though Pedro and his girlfriend complain to Seaside State’s administrators, and to the local district attorney, that this is Carmela2.0’s conspiracy to violate their civil rights.  Twitter refuses to suspend Carmela’s @Seasiderapesurvivor.

Emboldened, both Carmelas become Title IX activists.  They blog and Tiktok as hard as they can that “their #survivor experience” demands that the Rules must be changed to assume that Pedro is guilty, and that Seaside State has not punished him enough.  This time the Carmelas start fund raising on line, to sue to change the Rules.

What Pedro, his roommate, his girlfriend, and some Seaside State employees just experienced from both the Carmelas, “cancel culture” “is a modern form of ostracism in which someone is thrust out of social or professional circles – whether it be online, on social media, or in person. (2). Cancel culture turns off the light and makes it all dark.  But most importantly, cancel culture is a private choice—akin to shopping on Amazon or not, and not a public rule—akin to you must have a driver’s license or you can’t drive. This private/public distinction is why what the Carmelas now want, to incorporate cancel culture into the Title IX rules, is unfair: It transforms cancel culture, a private, harsh remedy, into an unconstitutional governmental act.  That is absurd.  Yet, sadly, cancel culture’s most direct impact on the Title IX rollback activism can be seen on real, Carmela-like calls to eliminate the Rules’ presumption of innocence.  That is, in our example, to pass a law that takes away Pedro’s ability show the evidence, tell his story, and rescue his name from cancellation, to then regain his career, and his life.

Cancel culture’s call to stop the presumption of innocence takes away the Title IX guarantee that everyone has the right to an education that is free from sexual hostility.  Incorporating cancel culture into the Rules has many fatal flaws:  It assumes that all men are indeed guilty. (They are not).  It makes no room for mistakes, revenges, confusions and staff ineptitude. (These happen all the time).  It rushes to judgment in a way no different from the summary trials of any authoritarian dictatorship.  Cancel culture as privately applied to the virtual reality world in which students facing sexual misconduct are shamed, makes them guilty, ON THE INTERNET.  But to then take that insolence and make it law, which eliminates the precious presumption of innocence so natural to life in the US, violates our social norms.  Cancel culture takes the worst tool of authoritarianism—coercion—and, should it be incorporated into the Rules, as the Carmelas want, would use this coercion to replace one of the best attributes of our democracy—the presumption of innocence.

Even through this fiction that I just wrote out for you, in an environment limited to Carmela’s mental illness and her smart phone’s screen,  you see how cancel culture brings up the worst in us.  What Carmela has not yet grasped is that in canceling Pedro, she raped him.  What we all need to agree on is that under the Rules for Title IX Pedro, while innocent to begin with, is presumed innocent as a matter of law.  To change or weaken that guarantee in the form Rules that institutionalize “cancel culture” by rejecting the assumption of innocence, by granting complainants the power to brand their respondents “guilty” just because that’s the #staywoke thing to do, turns the United States higher education scene into a Gulag, it lets the inmates run the insane asylum, and puts everyone—including vulnerable gay students and students of color at risk.

The current Title IX regulation only barely makes the process fair for respondents of allegations of sexual misconduct.  To take away the fairness in those rules by presuming guilt makes “cancel culture,” a private remedy, the official standard for education law in the US.  That is wrong.

Footnotes:

Categories
False Allegations Sexual Assault

Review of ‘Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault’

Review of ‘Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault’

Matthew Barry Johnson, PhD

May 3, 2021

Wrongful Conviction in Sex Assault: Stranger Rape, Acquaintance Rape, and Intra-familial Child Sexual Assault (WCSA), is the product of research conducted in the past 7 years or so. I drew from my earlier work focused on interrogation and false confession, and began to study wrongful conviction stemming from eye-witness mis-identification.  I realized that an obviously large proportion of wrongful convictions occurred in rape and sexual assault cases, whether via false confession or eye-witness mis-identification.

One of my initial goals was to merely catalogue cases from across the US.  Sarah Burns’ outstanding documentary “The Central Park Five” (CP5, 2012) provided a valuable account of the wrongful convictions from the point of view of the juvenile defendants and their families. However, the Burns film suggested the CP5 wrongful convictions were the product of peculiarities of New York City in the late 1980s (see ‘Sex, Race, and Wrongful Conviction’ https://thecrimereport.org/2013/10/03/2013-10-sex-race-and-wrongful-conviction/).  I was acutely aware the CP5 prosecutions shared essential elements with the prosecution of Daryl Hunt in Winston-Salem, N. Carolina, multiple false confessions of juveniles in Chicago (The Dixmoor Five, The Englewood Four, and Ollins, Ollins, Saunders, and Bradford), the Steve Avery sexual assault conviction in Wisconsin, the Norfolk Four defendants in Virginia, and many others.

Several earlier wrongful conviction researchers suggested wrongful conviction in rape warranted attention but the issue remained largely unexamined.  Bedau & Radelet (1987) in their pre-DNA study of wrongful conviction in potentially capital cases commented, “…systematic research would certainly uncover more cases of wrongful conviction … especially for crimes of rape”.  The 1996 National Institute of Justice report on the first 28 US DNA exonerations stated, “All 28 cases profiled in the report involved some form of sexual assault”.  Unfortunately, the report included commentary suggesting the predominance of sexual assaults was merely an artifact.  In 2006, Findley & Scott, in a widely cited law review, relied on 4 cases to illustrate the phenomenon of ‘Tunnel Vision’.  Each of the four case illustrations involved stranger rape, a relatively rare crime.  Similarly, Brandon Garrett’s (2010) law review titled, “The Substance of False Confessions”, relied on a data set comprised of “mostly cases involving a rape by a stranger” without considering the likelihood the charged offense may have contributed to the flawed investigations and tragic outcomes.

As the research for my book WCSA was being formulated, it was readily apparent that the prosecution approach to classification, that is classification based on the highest charge, would be an obstacle to revealing important relationships.  Rape is sexual assault no matter that some rapes co-occur with murder.  Some prior research, employing the prosecution approach to crime classification, had asserted that murder is the most common crime associated with wrongful conviction in the US.  That finding was the result of counting rape/murders as murders.  When rape/murders are disaggregated from murders without sexual assault, the dramatic over-representation of sexual assault among US wrongful convictions is apparent.  As Garrett reported in 2011, rapes and rape/murders make up 89% of all US exonerations.

With the benefit of further disaggregation other important findings emerged.  Even though most sexual assault victims (78%) are attacked by perpetrators they knew, confirmed wrongful convictions predominately occur in stranger assaults.  Seventy-two % of the entire listing of Innocence Project exonerations (as of 2017) involved stranger rape cases, a relatively rare offense.  These findings led to the four-part ‘Stranger Rape Thesis’, elaborating the increased risk of wrongful conviction in stranger rape.  Just as disaggregating sexual assault revealed important distinctions, disaggregating stranger rape wrongful convictions exposed two different routes or paths to wrongful conviction.  Those cases with surviving capable victims were overwhelmingly linked to mis-identifications by the assault victim while those cases where the assault victim was killed, or otherwise incapable of assisting in the investigation, resulted in wrongful convictions via false confessions.

Disaggregation based on race/ethnicity contributes further clarity to processes in wrongful conviction in sexual assault.  While rape is a highly intra-ethnic crime, several researchers have noted the pronounced over-representation of innocent Black or Latino defendants wrongly convicted of raping white victims.  In Convicting the Innocent, Garrett reported 10% of rapes are inter-racial while half (49%) of rape exonerations occurred in cases with Black or Latino defendants and white victims.

While an initial goal was to catalogue wrongful convictions in sexual assault, what emerged was evidence that there was increased risk of wrongful conviction in certain types of offenses, that is stranger rapes and particularly Black defendant/white victim cases. WCSA presents the obstacles inherent to certain types of criminal investigations, and also how the reactions to certain offenses by law enforcement and the public can increase the risk of wrongful conviction.  Along the way the book discusses the role of serial sex offenders in wrongful conviction, ‘moral correction’ pressure and biases, different varieties of ‘manufactured evidence’ and the series of wrongful convictions in sexual assault referred to as ‘child sexual abuse hysteria’.

Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault is published by Oxford University Press, 2021.