Categories
Campus Office for Civil Rights Press Release Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment

U.S. Department of Education Releases Final Title IX Rule

The U.S. Department of Education today released its Final Rule under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex in education programs or activities receiving federal financial assistance. In addition to posting the unofficial version of the Final Rule, the Department is releasing a Final Rule Fact Sheet, a Final Rule Overview, a document detailing the major provisions of the Final Rule, and a document highlighting changes between the prior Notice of Proposed Rulemaking and the Final Rule.  Finally, the Office for Civil Rights has also released a Webinar describing the Final Rule and many of its features.

The Final Rule is clear, predictable, and effective at ensuring schools have the tools they need to address incidents of sexual harassment in their programs and activities.  Under the Final Rule, schools know the importance of responding to such incidents appropriately by supporting survivors, as well as by providing a fair, transparent process for investigating and adjudicating sexual harassment matters.  The Final Rule will carry the force and effect of law as of August 14, 2020.

OCR Webinar: Title IX Regulations Addressing Sexual Harassment (Length: 01:11:29) 05/06/2020

 

Categories
Campus Due Process Free Speech Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment

PR: 266 Professors Nationwide Issue Call for Prompt Restoration of Free Speech and Due Process on Campus

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

266 Professors Nationwide Issue Call for Prompt Restoration of Free Speech and Due Process on Campus

WASHINGTON / May 4, 2020 – A group of 266 distinguished faculty members today is releasing a Faculty Resolution in Support of the Prompt Restoration of Free Speech and Due Process on Campus. The co-signers come from 43 states and represent a broad range of disciplinary backgrounds and political persuasions. The Resolution concludes with an urgent appeal: “the undersigned professors call on lawmakers and university administrators to assure the prompt implementation of new policies that will clarify grievance procedures, enhance free speech, and embrace fairness for all.”

Among other institutions, the group includes professors from 25 law schools: Brooklyn Law School, University of California – Berkeley, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland-Marshall School of Law, Denver University, Duke University, George Mason University, Harvard Law School, University of Hawaii, Howard University, Indiana University, John Marshall Law School, University of Kentucky, Marquette University, University of Minnesota, Mitchell Hamline School of Law, Notre Dame University, Ohio Northern University, University of Pittsburgh, University of St. Thomas, University of San Diego, Stanford University, Touro College, University of Virginia, and Washington University.

Since 2011, groups such as the American Association of University Professors have issued statements condemning the growing encroachments on free speech and due process. In 2016, the AAUP Council adopted a report, “The History, Uses, and Abuses of Title IX,” which highlights that as a result of federal sexual assault policies, free speech considerations “have been relegated to the background or ignored altogether.” (1)

Nadine Strossen, Professor of Law Emerita at the New York Law School and former President of the American Civil Liberties Union, has lamented that free expression on campus has become “an endangered species.” (2)  The National Association of Scholars has called for the upcoming Higher Education Act reauthorization to include provisions to enhance free speech (3).

There are numerous examples of faculty members whose constitutionally based due process rights have been curtailed (4).  At Northwestern University, professor Laura Kipnis was subjected to a months-long investigation because two students complained her criticism of her campus’ sexual harassment policy allegedly created a “chilling effect” on other students who wanted to file a sexual misconduct report (5).

SAVE urges the prompt implementation of the new Title IX regulation, which is expected to be issued soon. The Faculty Resolution in Support of the Prompt Restoration of Free Speech and Due Process on Campus can be viewed online. The names are listed in alphabetical order by state: http://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/Faculty-Resolution-5.2.2020.pdf

Links:

  1. https://www.aaup.org/file/TitleIXreport.pdf
  2. https://shorensteincenter.org/nadine-strossen-free-expression-an-endangered-species-on-campus/
  3. https://www.nas.org/blogs/press_release/scholars_call_for_free_speech_protections_in_the_higher_education_act
  4. http://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/faculty-members/
  5. https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/laura-kipniss-endless-trial-by-title-ix
Categories
Sexual Harassment

Digital Dating Abuse: Many Teens, More Often Boys, Are Being Harassed Online By A Partner

Study author: “Girls may use more violence on their boyfriends to try to solve their relational problems, while boys may try to constrain their aggressive impulses when trying to negotiate discord with their girlfriends.”


BOCA RATON, Fla. — A new study may make you long for the days of notes being passed back and forth in class stating “do you like me? Yes or no.” Life is infinitely more complicated for today’s youth than it was for generations past. Adolescents are constantly in contact with each other thanks to the internet, smartphones, and social media. While all of that technology can certainly be used in a positive way, often times it leads to cyber bullying and harassment. Now, researchers from Florida Atlantic University are shedding light on yet another problem the internet has created for teenagers: digital dating abuse.

Defined as using technology to repeatedly harass a love interest, partner, or crush in order to coerce, control, intimidate, threaten, or just plain old annoy, digital dating abuse has developed into a disturbingly common phenomenon. The research team analyzed over 2,200 U.S. middle and high school students, and 28.1% admitted they had been subjected to a form of online dating abuse over the past year.

Perhaps surprisingly, the study also noted that boys (32.3%) appear to be experiencing this type of abuse more often than girls (23.6%). Across all variations, boys were more likely to have experienced a form of digital dating abuse. In fact, boys were also more likely to have experienced physical aggression from their partner. Besides these gender fluctuations, researchers didn’t find any significant demographic differences regarding rate of digital abuse among varying races, ages, or sexual orientations.

In all, 2,218 adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 who had been in a romantic relationship took part in the study. Examples of digital abuse given by participants included their partner looking through their phone without permission, having their phone flat out stolen by their partner, being threatened via text, their partner posting something embarrassing or hurtful about them online, or their partner posting a private image online without their consent.

Besides online abuse, 35.9% of participants also said they’ve been a victim of offline dating abuse (being pushed, shoved, hit, threatened physically, called names, etc).

“Specific to heterosexual relationships, girls may use more violence on their boyfriends to try to solve their relational problems, while boys may try to constrain their aggressive impulses when trying to negotiate discord with their girlfriends,” says Sameer Hinduja, Ph.D., lead author and a professor in the School of Criminology and Criminal Justice within FAU’s College for Design and Social Inquiry, and co-director of the Cyberbullying Research Center, in a release. “It’s unfortunate to be thinking about dating abuse as we approach one of the most romantic days of the year, Valentine’s Day. However, it is clear that digital dating abuse affects a meaningful proportion of teenagers, and we need to model and educate youth on what constitutes a healthy, stable relationship and what betrays a dysfunctional, problematic one.”

Predictably, there was a major connection between being harassed online by a partner and also experiencing abuse in person. In all, 81% of students who had experienced digital dating abuse also reported being subjected to more traditional forms of romantic harassment.

Additionally, multiple risk factors were identified in regards to digital dating abuse. Teens who said they deal with depression were four times more likely to have been harassed online by a partner, and participants who reported having had sex were 2.5 times more likely to have experienced online abuse. Participants who had sent a “sext” were five times more likely to be targeted for online relationship abuse than teens who hadn’t sexted.

“As we observe ‘Teen Dating Violence Awareness Month,’ we are hopeful that our research will provide more information on the context, contributing factors, and consequences of these behaviors,” Hinduja concludes. “Gaining a deeper understanding of the emotional and psychological mind-set and the situational circumstances of current-day adolescents may significantly inform the policy and practice we need to develop to address this form and all forms of dating abuse.”

The study is published in the Journal of Interpersonal Violence.

Categories
Campus Due Process Sexual Harassment

Title IX Coordinators Should Embrace New Regulation to Reduce Liability Risks

2020 will be a year in which institutions of higher education (IHEs) suffer heavy financial losses. The COVID-19 shutdown is costing them many millions of dollars in lost revenues.

Significant losses due to mounting litigation are also at an all-time high. Never before have costs been higher for IHEs to defend themselves in lawsuits brought by alleged sexual assault perpetrators or victims claiming mistreatment by their institutions. IHEs must implement policies and procedures to reduce the high cost of sexual assault claims.

In 2017 United Educators (UE), which provides liability insurance to more than 1,600 schools around the country, launched its Canopy risk management program. Canopy has issued two White Papers on campus sexual assault: “The High Cost of Student-Victim Sexual Assault Claims” (1) and “Sexual Assault Claims: Perpetrator as Plaintiff” (2).

The reports document that between 2011-2015, sexual assault claims resulted in losses averaging nearly $350,000 each, with a few causing losses that exceeded $1 million. Losses in claims by accused students were driven by defense costs, which accounted for 71% of losses. Total losses due to perpetrator claims were almost $9 million, with total defense costs $6.3 million.

Lawsuits by alleged perpetrators or victims included allegations of breach of contract, Title IX violations, and negligence. Alleged types of misconduct by university personnel included the following (2):

  1. Failure to properly train staff on institutional policies
  2. Flawed reporting processes that discouraged complainants from reporting assaults
  3. Unclear policy language with insufficient written descriptions of policies and procedures
  4. Poor investigative practices with inadequate investigator training and lack of clarity about the investigator’s role
  5. Problematic adjudication practices, including poor selection of hearing panelists and inadequate training of hearing officials

Recurring patterns in the United Educators’ claims database reveal a number of needed actions to address sexual violence. Specifically, institutions should ensure that:

  • Title IX coordinators and investigators have appropriate training or experience and clarity on their roles,
  • Employees have a clear understanding of reporting obligations,
  • Sanctions are consistently and fairly applied, and
  • Campus officials respond quickly to retaliation reports.

UE also noted that alleged “Victims and perpetrators are equally entitled to know what to expect during the school’s internal process” and usually, “both parties to a campus sexual assault matter are the institution’s students and are entitled to the same procedural protections and general equitable treatment.” (3)

But instead of heeding this advice, Title IX coordinators have continued to take actions that place their universities at risk for future litigation.

In March, 2020 it was reported that over 600 lawsuits have been filed on behalf of students (and some school personnel) accused of Title IX-related offenses (4). Numerous high profile cases, such as the complaint against Baylor University (5) and Penn State University’s handling of the Jerry Sandusky case (6) have been featured in national news reports spotlighting institutions’ failure to protect victims.

Complaints alleging Title IX violations also can be opened for investigation by the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR), resulting in a time-consuming and expensive process for these schools. The University of Southern California (7) and Michigan State University (8) are two recent institutions that were investigated by OCR, resulting in sweeping changes or record fines due to their mishandling of sexual assault claims.

The U.S. Department of Education’s upcoming Title IX regulation will provide both a regulatory framework and procedural guidance so Title IX coordinators can provide a consistent, reliable response to an allegation of sexual assault. All of the above-listed actions from United Educator’s reports are addressed in the new regulation. Compliance with the regulation should result in fewer lawsuits against universities.

Title IX coordinators should embrace the new Title IX regulation to bring an end to the problematic policies and procedures that have resulted in significant financial losses to their institutions.

Citations:

1. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/53e530a1e4b021a99e4dc012/t/590501f74402431ac4900596/1493500411575/FN-+RE-+2017.04-+High+Cost+of+Student-Victim+SA+Claims.pdf 
2. Canopy, “Sexual Assault Claims: Perpetrator as Plaintiff” (content no longer available on the internet)
3. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/53e530a1e4b021a99e4dc012/t/590501f74402431ac4900596/1493500411575/FN-+RE-+2017.04-+High+Cost+of+Student-Victim+SA+Claims.pdf
4. https://www.titleixforall.com/
5. https://www.espn.com/college-football/story/_/id/24090683/baylor-university-settles-title-ix-lawsuit-which-gang-rape-8-football-players-was-alleged
6. https://www.thefire.org/ocr-penn-state-violated-rights-of-both-complainants-and-respondents-in-title-ix-proceedings/
7. https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/secretary-devos-requires-sweeping-changes-usc-after-title-ix-investigation-finds-university-failed-years-protect-students-sexual-abuse
8. https://www.freep.com/story/news/education/2019/09/05/msu-fine-larry-nassar-betsy-devos/2219781001/

 

Categories
Campus Due Process Sexual Harassment

Open Letter to the 18 Attorneys General Opposed to the New Title IX Regulation

The long-awaited Department of Education regulations on adjudicating allegations of
sexual misconduct on college campuses are poised for release. In response, the
American Council on Education (ACE) (1) and eighteen state attorneys general (2) have
sought to block the guidelines. I believe this effort is misguided.

The regulations would restore basic fairness to sexual misconduct proceedings on
campus. Over the past ten years, a shadow legal system has simultaneously failed
either to sanction campus predators, or to provide basic due process rights to students
and faculty accused of sexual misconduct. This failed regulatory regime is a result of the
2011 Dear Colleague Letter, guidance from the U.S. Department of Education that
expanded Title IX to address campus sexual misconduct, including both sexual
harassment and sexual assault.

The failure of the existing system to ensure due process for accused faculty and
students is well documented. A 2016 report from the American Association of University
Professors assailed campuses for “inadequate protections of due process and
academic governance.” (3) Open letters from 28 faculty members at Harvard Law School (4)
and 15 professors at the University of Pennsylvania Law School (5) have shared similar
concerns, as did Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in a 2016 interview by
The Atlantic. (6) When challenged in court, colleges and universities have suffered over
170 setbacks to students accused of sexual misconduct. (7)

Nor has the existing system proved successful in reducing campus sexual misconduct.
Data collected by the Association of American Universities indicate that reports of
sexual assault, whether by physical force or inability to consent due to intoxication,
actually increased between 2015 and 2019. Moreover, only 45 percent of campus
survivors said that school officials were “very” or “extremely likely” to take their
allegations seriously. (8) And most infamously, the serial abuser Larry Nassar was
allowed to remain in his position at Michigan State University after the school’s Title IX coordinator somehow concluded in 2014 that Nassar’s behavior was “medically appropriate.” (9)

The American Council on Education and the eighteen state attorneys general offer
specious arguments for blocking the new regulations. In their open letter, ACE contends
that, “at a time when institutional resources already are stretched thin, colleges and
universities should not be asked to divert precious resources away from more critical
efforts in order to implement regulations unrelated to this extraordinary crisis.” Yet
colleges and universities have known for eighteen months that the new regulations were
forthcoming. Moreover, COVID-19 means that school Title IX officers, directly
responsible for implementing the guidelines, have more free time than ever before. With
campuses shuttered and students sent home, opportunities for campus sexual
misconduct have plummeted. In short, this is the ideal time for the new regulations to be
implemented.

The new Department of Education regulations aren’t perfect, but they will establish
adjudication mechanisms that are much fairer to accused students, faculty, and staff. A
fairer system, in turn, will enjoy greater support and credibility among stakeholders. And
with any luck, this means fewer dangerous predators on campus. For all these reasons,
I urge you to withdraw your opposition to the new regulations.

Citations:

1. https://www.aau.edu/sites/default/files/AAU-Files/Key-Issues/Higher-Education-Regulation/Letter-ED-
delayt9s117-032420v2FINAL.pdf
2. https://files.constantcontact.com/bfcd0cef001/71385110-7632-4adc-a7ae-0f47bc4f6801.pdf
3. https://www.aaup.org/report/history-uses-and-abuses-title-ix
4. https://www.bostonglobe.com/opinion/2014/10/14/rethink-harvard-sexual-harassment-
policy/HFDDiZN7nU2UwuUuWMnqbM/story.html
5. http://media.philly.com/documents/OpenLetter.pdf
6. https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2018/02/ruth-bader-ginsburg-opens-up-about-metoo-voting-rights-
and-millenials/553409/
7. https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1CsFhy86oxh26SgTkTq9GV_BBrv5NAA5z9cv178Fjk3o/edit#gid=0
8. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/04/aau-climate-surveys-reveal-failure-of-campus-sexual-assault-policies/

9. https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2018/01/the-nassar-investigation-that-never-made-headlines/551717/

+++++++++++++++++++

State Attorneys General, Mailing Addresses 

JOSH SHAPIRO

Attorney General, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania

Office of the Attorney General

Strawberry Square

Harrisburg, PA 17120

 

XAVIER BACERRA

Attorney General, State of California

Office of the Attorney General

P.O. Box 944255

Sacramento, CA 94244-2550

 

PHILIP J. WEISER

Attorney General, State of Colorado

Office of the Attorney General

Colorado Department of Law

Ralph L. Carr Judicial Building

1300 Broadway, 10th Floor

Denver, CO 80203

 

WILLIAM TONG

Attorney General, State of Connecticut

Office of the Attorney General

165 Capitol Avenue

Hartford, CT 06106

 

KATHLEEN JENNINGS

Attorney General, State of Delaware

Delaware Department of Justice,

Office of the Attorney General

Carvel State Building

820 N. French St.

Wilmington, DE 19801

 

KARL A. RACINE

Attorney General, District of Columbia

Office of the Attorney General

441 4th Street, NW

Washington, DC 20001

 

CLARE E. CONNORS

Attorney General, State of Hawai‘i

Department of the Attorney General

425 Queen Street

Honolulu, HI 96813

 

BRIAN FROSH

Attorney General, State of Maryland

Office of the Attorney General

200 St. Paul Place

Baltimore, MD 21202

 

MAURA HEALEY

Attorney General, Commonwealth of Massachusetts

Office of the Attorney General

1 Ashburton Place, 20th Floor

Boston, MA 02108

 

DANA NESSEL

Attorney General, State of Michigan

Office of the Attorney General

  1. Mennen Williams Building

525 W. Ottawa Street

P.O. Box 30212

Lansing, MI 48909

 

KEITH ELLISON

Attorney General, State of Minnesota

Office of the Attorney General

445 Minnesota Street, Suite 1400

St. Paul, MN 55101

 

AARON D. FORD

Attorney General, State of Nevada

Office of the Attorney General

100 North Carson Street

Carson City, Nevada 89701-4717

 

HECTOR BALDERAS

Attorney General, State of New Mexico

Office of the Attorney General

408 Galisteo Street

Villagra Building

Santa Fe, NM 87501​

 

LETITIA JAMES

Attorney General, State of New York

Office of the Attorney General

The Capitol

Albany, NY 12224-0341

 

JOSHUA H. STEIN

Attorney General, State of North Carolina

Office of the Attorney General

114 West Edenton Street

Raleigh, NC 2760

 

PETER F. NERONHA

Attorney General, State of Rhode Island

Office of the Attorney General

150 South Main Street

Providence, RI 02903

 

THOMAS J. DONOVAN, JR.

Attorney General, State of Vermont

Office of the Attorney General

109 State St

Montpelier, VT 05609

 

MARK R. HERRING

Attorney General, Commonwealth of Virginia

Office of the Attorney General

202 North Ninth Street

Richmond, Virginia 23219

Categories
Campus Civil Rights Due Process False Allegations Press Release Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Victims

To Senators Murray, Warren and Gillibrand: Secretary DeVos CAN Multi-task

For over two years, U.S. Senators Patty Murray (D-WA), Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) and Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) urged Secretary DeVos and the Department of Education to not create new Title IX regulations, fallaciously claiming victims will be further harmed.  The trio jumped on the crowded coronavirus excuse train, and now claim it is unacceptable for the Department to finalize a rule during the coronavirus outbreak.

The Senators urge DeVos  “not to release the final Title IX rule at this time and instead to focus on helping schools navigate the urgent issues arising from the COVID-19 pandemic that is top of the mind for all students and families.”  [1]

However, the Department’s accomplishments show on March 6, the Department promptly created a coronavirus information and resources website for school and school administrators [2].  Throughout the month they continued this focus on students with disabilities [3], provided student loan relief [4], and announced broad flexibilities for states to cancel testing [5]. There have been multiple task forces, webinars, and conference calls focused on helping schools navigate the urgent issues arising from the corona virus pandemic.

The Senator’s asking Secretary DeVos to suspend due process protections because of the coronavirus is irresponsible, impractical, and unfair to institutions, students and professors.

Ashe Schow, a reporter and columnist, appropriately pointed out in her commentary: “Three Democrat senators are using the coronavirus pandemic to urge Education Secretary Betsy DeVos to delay providing college students their constitutional rights to due process.” [6]

DeVos has shown competing priorities are possible to navigate and combat.  She is prioritizing the immediate needs, which include both navigating through this pandemic while ensuring students are given their due process rights.

As students and professors step onto their campuses in August, they will also be stepping into a more fair and equitable and safe environment than they stepped off in March.

Citations:

[1]https://www.help.senate.gov/ranking/newsroom/press/murray-warren-gillibrand-urge-secretary-devos-to-halt-title-ix-rule-focus-on-helping-schools-during-the-covid-19-crisis

[2]https://www.ed.gov/coronavirus?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[3]https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/secretary-devos-releases-new-resources-educators-local-leaders-k-12-flexibilities-student-privacy-and-educating-students-disabilities-during-coronavirus-outbreak?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[4] https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/delivering-president-trumps-promise-secretary-devos-suspends-federal-student-loan-payments-waives-interest-during-national-emergency?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[5] https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/helping-students-adversely-affected-school-closures-secretary-devos-announces-broad-flexibilities-states-cancel-testing-during-national-emergency?utm_content=&utm_medium=email&utm_name=&utm_source=govdelivery&utm_term=

[6] https://www.dailywire.com/news/three-democrats-use-coronavirus-to-demand-delaying-due-process-rights-for-college-students

Categories
Sexual Harassment

U. of Rochester Will Pay $9.4 Million to Settle Long-Running Sexual-Harassment Battle

T. Florian Jaeger (left), a professor in the department of brain and cognitive sciences at the U. of Rochester

The University of Rochester has agreed to pay $9.4 million to settle a lawsuit brought by nine former faculty members and students who had accused the New York institution of discriminating and retaliating against them in a long-running sexual-harassment dispute.

The controversy, which had engulfed the university for years, involved its handling of harassment accusations against T. Florian Jaeger, a tenured professor in the department of brain and cognitive sciences. The plaintiffs sued the university in 2017, accusing it of retaliating against and defaming them after they complained about what they said was a pattern of sexual harassment by Jaeger.

The case drew national attention as an illustration of how many lives can be affected when sexual-harassment battles break out and how some university policies can let offensive behavior go unchecked for years.

In 2018 an outside investigation largely exonerated Jaeger of violating Rochester’s sexual-misconduct policies but found him responsible for “unprofessional and inappropriate behavior” years before. That conduct included talking and joking about sex, as well as engaging in consensual intimate relationships with students at a time when those were discouraged but not banned.

Jaeger admitted that his earlier conduct had been at times immature and unwise, but he said he had been unfairly labeled a sexual predator. He returned to teaching in 2018 after a semester of paid academic leave and is teaching an undergraduate research class this spring.

Jaeger wrote, in an email late Thursday to The Chronicle, that he was glad that those who’d had the courage to complain about his behavior had been heard. “Of course, I would have preferred if I had heard about those concerns 10 years ago, but I understand that it was not obvious to others that I would have reacted appropriately,” he wrote. “I would have preferred if valid concerns about unintentionally harmful behavior would not have been contaminated by massively distorted and outright false allegations of sexual predation.”

He said he wished the university hadn’t ended a restorative-justice approach, in which he and others affected by the controversy met with an outside facilitator to discuss its impact. “I am afraid that the university’s decision to settle will not bring us any closer to a genuine dialogue,” Jaeger said.

Several of Jaeger’s former colleagues, who later left the university, said Rochester had retaliated against them for their complaints by portraying them as unreliable and making them feel unwelcome in their own department. Rochester’s president at the time, Joel Seligman, resigned amid the uproar over the university’s response to the researchers’ complaints.

On Friday the parties issued a joint statement in which the university thanked the plaintiffs for raising their concerns about sexual harassment. “The university is committed to providing a safe and inclusive environment for its students, faculty, and staff, and these individuals helped identify opportunities for change in university policies and procedures,” it says.

As a result, the university is better able to prevent, investigate, and remediate complaints involving “harassment and other forms of discrimination, as well as retaliation for reporting such matters,” the statement says.

“My whole lab, and the research programs that were established, were disrupted and moved across the country, and that wasn’t fair.”

Sara Miller, a University of Rochester spokeswoman, said in a separate written statement that the university was pleased with the mediated resolution, and that neither side admitted liability or fault. “The willingness of our insurance carrier to pay the entire settlement amount was a factor in our decision,” she wrote.

The steps the university has taken since the claims were filed, she wrote, include establishing an Office of Equity and Inclusion, “strengthening policies, clarifying processes, and expanding training and resources to prevent and address sexual misconduct.”

The plaintiff’s chief lawyer, Ann Olivarius, said in a news release that it was unusual for senior professors to join junior faculty members and students to protect students from harassment.

“Our clients have had to leave jobs, research collaborations, and a community they loved, and move across the country because the university dug in when it should have taken their complaints seriously,” she wrote. “We commend UR for improving its policies and turning the page on this very long struggle.”

Celeste Kidd, one of the primary complainants, is now an assistant professor of psychology at the University of California at Berkeley, where she moved because of what she called the university’s retaliation against her. In 2007, Kidd was a 24-year-old graduate student who said Jaeger had invited her to rent a spare room in his apartment and then harassed her by repeatedly asking her about her sexual history.

“My whole lab, and the research programs that were established, were disrupted and moved across the country, and that wasn’t fair,” she said in an interview on Friday. She said she was pleased that the university had agreed to remove a link to the outside report that largely exonerated Jaeger and the university’s handling of the matter, because she felt it had given students the impression that what had happened to her and the other plaintiffs didn’t rise to the level of sexual harassment.

The public legal battle, she said, “allowed a lot of people who were experiencing these things around the world to reach out to me, and made me realize how common and systemic they are.”

For his part, Jaeger said removing the link to the outside investigator’s report will make it hard for students to see “a narrative of the events in which facts matter.”

In the joint statement, the plaintiffs acknowledged the steps university leaders had taken to prevent harassment, and expressed confidence that such improvements would continue.

Richard Aslin, a former dean of arts and sciences at Rochester who was among the plaintiffs, said he hoped the settlement “encourages people affected by discrimination and retaliation to seek justice and never give up.”

The plaintiffs said they would contribute part of the settlement proceeds to “individuals whose careers were negatively affected by the hostile environment described in the lawsuit.”

Katherine Mangan writes about community colleges, completion efforts, and job training, as well as other topics in daily news. Follow her on Twitter @KatherineMangan, or email her at katherine.mangan@chronicle.com.

Categories
Campus Sexual Harassment Title IX

The Weaponization of Title IX at Oregon Health and Science University

My name is Buddy Ullman.  I am a retired Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology from The Oregon Health & Science University (OHSU) in Portland, Oregon.  As a faculty member at OHSU, I headed a research program in molecular parasitology for which I was continuously funded (for 34 years) by the National Institutes of Health.  I was also a major contributor to the medical education program for 29 years for which I was accorded 51 teaching awards and honors.  At OHSU, I was widely perceived as a faculty leader because of my vocal advocacy for aggrieved students and faculty and for my oppositional views to some of the academic policies in the School of Medicine.

This brought me into occasional conflict with some of the Associate Deans, particularly those in the medical education program.  Politically, I am a liberal democrat and an ardent supporter of Title IX.  I also had the misfortune of being a Title IX respondent, and, per full disclosure, am an enthusiastic advocate for DeVos’s proposed new Title IX guidelines, although I have a few concerns that I conveyed to the Department of Education using the Federal eRulemaking Portal.

My Title IX Experience

My Title IX ordeal involved five investigations over three years and resulted in the destruction of my professional career and job termination.  The details of these investigations are myriad, convoluted, and complex, and therefore, I only present the skeletal outline of the adversities that I faced.  There is documentation for everything that I assert, much of which is or was in possession of the Office for Civil Rights, Seattle Branch, in the Department of Education (OCR Reference No. 10152256).  The original purpose for these investigations was to deny me access to the educational programs of the university, which seems counterintuitive to Title IX’s purpose, but these multiple inquiries eventually morphed into a mechanism to destroy my very successful, externally funded research career and to fire me.

The seminal and initial investigation for which I was respondent was a sexual harassment complaint that was launched on May 16th, 2014 by the Associate Dean of Undergraduate Medical Education, ostensibly on behalf of a first-year female medical student who had failed the medical school course that I directed and, therefore, faced a remediation examination and potential expulsion from the medical school program and who, like the Associate Dean, had ample motive to retaliate against me.  The student had falsely claimed in an email to the Associate Dean written earlier on May 16th, 2014 that I had kissed her on the forehead in my office, an expanded definition of sexual harassment to say the least, and that I had made a harassing and “pseudo-predatory” comment on a Facebook photo in which she was not pictured.  The alleged kiss was a fabrication, and the Facebook comment, although warm and affectionate as many Facebook posts are, was neither lascivious nor of a sexual nature.

The student was named the complainant by a civil rights investigator in OHSU’s Affirmative Action and Equal Opportunity (AAEO) Office although she was not involved in the genesis of the AAEO complaint, i.e., this was a third-party endeavor.  By the next business day, the Associate Dean’s administrative superior, the Senior Associate Dean of Education, had weighed in and expanded the scope of the investigation, and multiple emails in my possession substantiate collusion between the Dean’s and AAEO Offices at the inception of the investigation.

I first learned about the existence of the complaint on August 14th, 2014, three months after the investigation had been initiated.  I was not informed of the specifics of the allegations at that time (or throughout the investigation, see below).  I met with the investigator for 90 minutes on September 5th, 2014, the same date that the investigation was closed (without my knowledge).  When I met with the investigator, I was, obviously, completely unprepared, and she harangued me with salacious questions and seethed with hostility.  As an aside, the sexual harassment complaint was considered by the AAEO Office, not the Title IX Office, as there was no Title IX Office at OHSU in 2014.

Below I describe the salient features of this investigation:

  • Per the previous paragraph, the complaint was initiated by a third-party surrogate.
  • There was no formal or written complaint. I did request to view the formal complaint multiple times and was not told that there was no formal complaint.
  • The scope of the complaint shifted throughout the investigation.
  • I was not permitted to have any knowledge of the allegations against me. This precluded any possibility of a realistic defense.  I only learned of the nature of the specific charges ten months after the case against me was closed.
  • Related to the previous point, not only did I not know the nature of the accusations, but the specific complaints weren’t even discussed in my presence.
  • I was not allowed to know the identities of the named complainant or the witnesses, e.g., the Associate Deans, because they wanted to make their (false) accusations under anonymity for understandable reasons and also because I would have immediately recognized the predatory and retaliatory nature of the Associate Deans’ involvement and the retaliatory intention of the student complainant’s allegations. I also only learned the names of the complainant(s) and the witnesses ten months after the case was concluded.
  • I was not given any opportunity to present evidence on my behalf, while the complainants were given four months to collect and submit evidence. The preponderance of evidence standard for substantiating any claim against me was, therefore, simplified since all the evidence considered was provided by the complainant side.
  • I was not offered an occasion to bring forth witnesses of which I would have had thousands. The complainant side had four witnesses: the two Associate Deans and the complainant’s two best friends/housemates, each of whom had come up with their own allegations, one preposterous, one untruthful.
  • Witness testimony was taken over the telephone, precluding any assessment of witness demeanor.
  • All exculpatory evidence collected by the AAEO investigator was withheld from me.
  • The presumed inculpatory evidence that was shown to me was did not involve wrongdoing and was, without exception, absurd.
  • The Closure Memo, effectively the investigative report, that summarized the investigator’s findings and ultimately informed the investigator’s conclusions was not afforded to me for analysis. I only became aware of the Closure Memo’s existence ten months after the case against me was concluded, and it was replete with falsehoods, fabrications, distortions, exaggerations, and mistakes and lacked context throughout.  There was no opportunity afforded to rebut The Closure Memo.
  • I was not informed in a timely matter about any aspect of the investigation against me. Every step of the investigation took me by surprise.
  • I was muzzled throughout the proceedings (and presumably afterwards). This gag order (or orders) prevented me from recruiting witnesses, getting help within the institution, and organizing a defense.
  • I was continually threatened with job loss throughout the process. This was intimidating to say the least.
  • The outcome of the so-called “investigation” was, obviously, predetermined and not evidence-based.

I received a summary of the investigator’s findings, designated the Letter of Closure (different from the Closure Memo) on November 25, 2014.  The Letter of Closure was farcical and suffered from all the failings of the Closure Memo (see point 12 above).  The investigator, who fundamentally functioned as a prosecutor, concluded that I had engaged in sexual harassment of female medical students (apparently for the entire 29 years during which I taught).  This was the first time, six months after the case against me had been instigated, that I had any inkling that my case was even about sexual harassment.

This revelation was flabbergasting since there had never been any sexual harassment, and categorically no behavior of a sexual nature on my part while a member of the OHSU for 32 years.  The investigator also found that I had engaged in gender discrimination and inappropriate, unprofessional, and disrespectful behavior toward female medical students in order to ensure that I had been found in violation of almost every single institutional policy that supports Title IX including the institutional Code of Conduct, which I apparently violated multiple times with abandon.  There was also no gender discrimination and no inappropriate, unprofessional, or disrespectful behavior toward female medical students, or for that matter toward anybody else.

The Dean of the School of Medicine, stated in his Letter of Caution to me, also dated November 25, 2014, that I had “violated OHSU’s Code of Conduct (Section G), the Equal Opportunity Policy (No. 03-05-030), and the Sexual Harassment Policy (No. 03-05-035) through unwelcome hugging, wrist-grabbing, as well as cheek and forehead kissing of female students.”  There was no unwelcome hugging, wrist-grabbing, cheek kissing, or forehead kissing of female students, however, and these conclusions were all news to me because no unwelcome behaviors were ever alleged in my presence during the investigation.  All the conclusions by the AAEO investigator and Dean were made-up.  I was, of course, punished, and there was never any effort on the part of the institution to stop, interfere with, or modify any of my behavior, as outlined by institutional policies and federal statute.

The investigation was a sham, neither fair, impartial, nor reliable, and it was most certainly not well-intentioned.  Not only had the investigator functioned as a prosecutor throughout the inquiry, but she also served the roles of detective, plaintiff (it was she who made the sexual harassment accusation), judge, jury, and executioner.  Because I was innocent of all “transgressions” (there is not one iota of truth to any of the investigator’s or Dean’s conclusions), I believe that the administration, acting maliciously, basically hijacked Title IX in order to retaliate against me for my activities and views that the administration didn’t like.  The assortment of shortcomings in the AAEO investigation that I identified above was not an accident.  Title IX was employed as a weapon, a strategic one that the Dean’s Office later employed to clobber other faculty.

Devos’ new proposed guidelines for Title IX enforcement on college/university campuses address every single one of the investigative shortcomings in my case, and, as I mentioned in the first paragraph, I support the DeVos regulations with enthusiasm, although with a few caveats.  The new regulations do not, however, address the intrinsic competence and integrity of the investigators nor the ability of “bad actors” to endeavor to manipulate the outcome of Title IX proceedings.

My subsequent request for an appeal was denied, but I was granted an internal grievance procedure that was distorted almost beyond recognition and stage-managed by OHSU’s general counsel, a person who also had a prominent role in the original AAEO investigation described above.  The grievance panel concluded that due process considerations had not been violated because I could have presented a defense after my case was closed (to whom?!?!) and that I didn’t need to have been informed about the specifics of the allegations because I should have been able to figure them out by the line of questioning, even though the alleged misconduct never occurred!!

I then appealed to the Office for Civil Rights (OCR), Seattle branch.  The OCR took the case, investigated OHSU’s AAEO office, and apparently compelled substantial changes (the AAEO Director was subsequently fired), but concluded that OHSU had adhered sufficiently to the Obama-era Title IX guidelines and thus, took no further action on my OCR complaint.  The OCR decision was terribly disappointing and left me exposed to retribution, which was forthcoming.

Once the OCR had completed its review of OHSU’s AAEO Office and Title IX compliance, the administration, blasting through any OCR whistleblower protections, retaliated against me repeatedly.  The administration filed at least five more frivolous charges against me, most of which were Title IX related but on which the Title IX Office punted (this is called deliberate indifference), and launched two new sham investigations, the fourth and fifth overall, for which the outcomes were, predictably, preordained.  The first of these latter two investigations concluded that I violated the institutional Code of Conduct in multiple ways because, according to the investigator, I used the word “Yuck” in an email to a colleague/friend, while the second resolved that I had engaged in retaliation, which I most certainly did not.

The administration continued to retaliate me in other ways as well.  I was banished from the medical school classroom on three separate occasions, thereby denying me access to the institution’s educational activities, made the subject of a nasty, disparaging email sent by the aforementioned Associate Deans to the entire medical student body in response to a satirical vignette that I was asked to give at the Medical Student Follies, and then placed on administrative leave, exiled from campus although I was no safety threat to anybody, and had my email disabled and my access to my work computer switched off.  These actions effectively terminated my 47-year career in biomedical research.

Furthermore, when the Dean of the School of Medicine and the Vice President of Human Resources placed me on administrative leave and deported me from campus, not only did they not tell me why (I asked) but they told me that they themselves didn’t even know all the reasons why!!  I was fired several months later, while on administrative leave, after the last (and fifth) investigation against me concluded.  I am now retired and hope, through my experience, that I can bring some wisdom to the Title IX guideline debate and to other Title IX victims.

I refrained from a lawsuit for a myriad of reasons.  First, I am not litigious and don’t crave money.  Second, I am 69 years old and was close to retirement anyway and didn’t want to be at the university any longer because of the way I was (mis)treated.  Third, I signed a termination agreement, clearly under duress, that would provide me with a salary equivalent and insurance for another nine months if I promised not to sue them.  Fourth, I already had had two expensive lawyers:  the first whom I hired for the first investigation was unhelpful and wanted me to roll over and play dead; and the second whom I consulted during the fifth investigation and who really gave appropriate advice and thought it would be best for me to retire and not go through yet another investigation.  Fifth, I am a pensioner on a fixed income, and I would be taking on a ~$3,000,000,000 corrupt organization with effectively unlimited resources.  Sixth, OHSU would have fought me tooth and nail since the entire administration all the way up to the top of the university was locked in on me and would have been implicated in wrongdoing.  And finally, I was exhausted.  After three years of continuous harassment and discrimination by OHSU administrators, no way to achieve justice internally, and concerning blood pressure measurements, continuing as a faculty member at OHSU was untenable.

I am very happy to be gone and healthy again.

Categories
Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Colleges Plead for More Time to Implement New Title IX Regulations

March 20, 5:45 p.m. Colleges and universities have their hands full dealing with the coronavirus outbreak, as they transition to online classes, close campuses and worrying about the health and housing of their students. But many are worried they may soon have to implement a controversial rule by U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos that will change how institutions handle allegations of sexual assault and harassment, including a requirement the accused be able to cross-examine their accusers in a live hearing.

DeVos has been rumored to be issuing the rule soon. Though the Office of Management and Budget, which reviews proposed new rules, has meetings with stakeholders scheduled through April 6, the office could cancel them and green-light a rule at any time.

The rule would involve changing policies, including faculty agreements, said Brett A. Sokolow,  president of the Association of Title IX Administrators.

“Issuing Title IX regulations in the midst of coronavirus response would be a huge distraction for schools and colleges, which need to be focused right now on transitioning essential services to online delivery,” he said. While institutions are usually given 30 to 90 days to comply with a new rule, he said they should be given at least a year.

More than 10 higher educations asked this week in a memo for federal lawmakers to give DeVos “the authority to waive compliance with significant and/or costly new regulatory requirements that may be introduced in this period, as institutions’ ability to come into compliance will necessitate a substantial outlay of resources that are better allocated to other purposes at this time.”

Craig Lindwarm, vice president for government affairs at the Association of Public and Land-grant Universities, said his group is worried about having to comply with a pending rule expanding the reporting requirements for institutions for foreign gifts and contracts.

“Now is not the time to impose substantial new regulatory burdens on institutions, and significant challenges in implementation, when campuses are closing and responding to the emergency conditions they’re facing,” he said.

“We have significant concerns that institutions won’t have the bandwidth or the resources to implement these regulations,” said Matt Owens, the Association of American Universities’ executive vice president and vice president for federal relations.

“This is not the time,” said Elizabeth Tang, education and workplace justice counsel at the National Women’s Law Center. “Students and families are struggling to provide for their basic needs, and schools scrambling to provide online resources. It would be absolutely inappropriate to issue a new rule in the midst of all this.”

The law center has said it would file a suit to block the rule if the final version is similar to the initial version DeVos proposed. Many of the Trump administration’s rules have been blocked in court, she said. But Sokolow, writing in Inside Higher Ed, warned institutions will have to respond to a new rule even if it is being challenged in court.

“It’s unlikely that a federal judge will enjoin the regulations fully, and if there is a partial injunction, colleges and universities will still need to comply with those elements of the regulations that are not enjoined,” he wrote in a Jan. 15 opinion piece on the potential impact of the new rule on institutions.

Source: https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2020/03/23/live-updates-latest-news-coronavirus-and-higher-education

Categories
Sexual Harassment

Legislators discard element of sexual harassment definition, broadening liability

World’s largest gavel, outside courthouse in Columbus, Ohio

The revised version also changes the definition of sexual harassment, and makes employers liable for “workplace harassment” based on additional factors other than sex. Its sexual harassment definition omits a critical element of the definition of sexual harassment according to the U.S. Supreme Court and federal appeals courts, “unwelcomeness.”  The amended version of HB 1418 adopted on January 30 has a long list of “rules” that “shall apply” in defining sexual harassment (probably found in no other state or federal law), yet it omits the core element of “unwelcomeness” that the Supreme Court says defines sexual harassment.

Unwelcome means unsolicited and uninvited. If a worker invites or solicits something from a co-worker, they can’t later sue over that something, even if it offended them. For example, if you ask your co-worker about his sex life or his porn collection, or to discuss a sexual problem, and his response offends you, you can’t sue your employer over it, because you solicited or invited the response. That’s true even if the offensive content did contribute, to some extent, to a hostile work environment. Sexual conduct must be both unwelcome and create a hostile work environment (among other things) before the employer can be sued over it under longstanding sexual harassment precedent.

You shouldn’t be able to sue your employer for something that you invited, and it wasn’t responsible for causing.

Trending: Two examples of the ‘democracy’ the Left is so eager to defend from Trump

The Supreme Court said that the very essence of a sexual harassment claim — in lawyer lingo, its “gravamen” — is that the conduct was “unwelcome.” As it put it, “The gravamen of any sexual harassment claim is that the alleged sexual advances were ‘unwelcome.’” It said that in its decision in Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57, 68 (1986).

There are federal appeals court rulings that say the Supreme Court meant what it said, and if you incite your co-workers to do something, you can’t sue your employer over it even if it offends you. For example, a woman who used vulgar language with her male co-workers was not allowed to sue when they used vulgar language back, because the court found she effectively invited it, in the appeals court ruling in Scusa v. Nestle USA181 F.3d 958, 966 (8th Cir. 1998). As that court explained, “the conduct at issue must be ‘unwelcome’ in that the plaintiff neither solicited it nor invited it.”

The government shouldn’t be able to punish an employer for speech between workers that a worker solicited or invited. Society has a really compelling interest in preventing sexual harassment, verbal or physical. But it has much less of an interest in punishing offensive language that a worker can avoid simply by not soliciting or inviting it — like not asking a co-worker to discuss sexually offensive subject matter.

Yet the bill explicitly states that “Conduct may be workplace harassment regardless of whether…the complaining party participated in, the conduct.” While this statement is true in limited circumstances — forced participation is unwelcome — voluntary participation usually does show something is welcome.

As Judge Alito once noted before he was elevated to the Supreme Court, “there is no categorical ‘harassment exception’ to the First Amendment’s free speech clause,” so government officials can’t just redefine protected speech as sexual harassment. (He said that in his decision striking down a school’s policy banning racial, sexual, and sexual orientation harassment as defining harassment too broadly, in Saxe v. State College Area School District, 240 F.3d 200, 204 (3d Cir. 2001)).

Damages can’t be awarded for constitutionally protected speech, even if it causes someone emotional distress, or makes someone feel harassed. (See Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443 (2011); DeAngelis v. El Paso Municipal Police Officers Association51 F.3d 591, 596-97 (5th Cir. 1995); Lyle v. Warner Bros. Television Productions132 P.3d 211, 231-32 (2006) (Chin, J., concurring)).

The bill’s omission of “unwelcomeness” is not the only odd thing about the bill’s definition and “rules” regarding what constitutes sexual harassment. It’s just one example of the bill changing the meaning of sexual harassment at employers’ expense, an example I was able to detect on short notice, since the bill only became available on the internet today. Given the bill’s departure from settled notions of what constitutes sexual harassment, I wouldn’t be surprised if more oddities were found in it. That seems like a reason to slow down and not approve the bill in its current form, rather than the committee racing to approve it at tomorrow’s hearing of the General Laws committee.

Another way its definition departs from how federal courts view sexual harassment is that it does not appear to require that conduct be sexist or based on sex to constitute illegal sexual harassment. Quite the contrary, it says that conduct “conduct may be workplace harassment regardless of whether…The conduct is also experienced by others outside the protected class involved.”

In federal court, if conduct is aimed at both men and women, and is equally offensive to both men and women, it is not legally sexual harassment. As the Supreme Court put it in its unanimous decision in Oncale v. Sundowner Offshore Services523 U.S. 775 (1998), “We have never held that workplace harassment, even harassment between men and women, is automatically discrimination because of sex merely because the words used have sexual content or connotations. ‘The critical issue…is whether members of one sex are exposed to disadvantageous terms or conditions of employment to which members of the other sex are not exposed.’” Some conduct is presumed to have occurred based on the target’s sex, like sexual advances, where such an “inference” is drawn. But usually, workplace rumors or discussions of sexual issues are not deemed to be “sexual harassment,” if they are not aimed at women based on their sex, and don’t reflect sexist stereotypes. (See, e.g., Pasqua v. Metropolitan Life Ins. Co.101 F.3d 514 (7th Cir. 1996); Duncan v. City of Denver, 397 F.3d 1300 (10th Cir. 2005)).

That is true even if such discussions are very offensive to some listeners. The purpose of antidiscrimination laws is to protect people from discrimination, not offensive speech that doesn’t act as a barrier to equal opportunity.

The original version of HB 1418 also had pitfalls. Federal law holds employers liable for allowing a sexually hostile work environment. The original bill held employers liable not only when the work environment was hostile or offensive, but also when the work environment wasn’t hostile or offensive, but someone in the workplace had the “purpose” of creating a hostile or offensive environment through their conduct. That could lead to a lawsuit over a single offensive comment that does not actually harm anyone or have any discriminatory effects, but allegedly has a hostile or offensive purpose. The blog post at this link argues that such liability for “purpose” alone violates the First Amendment, under the logic of court rulings like Saxe v. State College Area School District, 240 F.3d 200, 210-11 (2001).